Korea fertility level has dropped since the 1960's and speed of decline has accelerated in the 1980's. In the resuls, the growth rate reached to less then 1 percent in 1990 and will be $\ulcorner$0 $\lrcorner$ percent growth in 2021. The total population will increase to 50, 586 thousand persons in 2021 then will decrease. With the rapid fertility decline the age structure of Korean population has changed : while the proportion of child population aged 0-14 is decreasing sharply, that of old-age population aged 65 and over is increasing. Because of the recent increase of sex ratio at birth, the sex structure among the young generation has been destorted; the sex ratio at age 0-4 was as high as high as 112.0 in 1990. The effects of these population phenomena on Korean society are the followings: 1) Old age dependency ratio is increasing rapidly and continuously and will be about 40.0 from the 2050's. 2) Because of the rapid decline of the number of births, the absolute number of the major labour force at age 25-34 will decrease after around 2000 and then from the 2010's become less than that in 1990. 3) Since the large fertility defferentials by womens's educational level have continued and the relation between the educational levels of mothers and children are very strong, level has dropped among higher educated women first when the average fertility level has declined in Korea, the average educational level of the children is may be expected to be relatively low and then the future productivity is will be also low, which causes the decline of 'quality of population. 4) When the high sex ratio at birth (over 110 since 1986) continues, number of brides will be short by over 20 percent from the 2010s, which will bring various kinds of social prblems. Therefore, the counter measures in concrete to relieve the heavy problems are recommended as follows: 1) The extention of the birth intervals, which helps to drop the population growth rate at the same level of number of children per women. 2) The positive supports for out-migrants, which helps to reduce the population size without any destortion of age-sex structure. 3) The defferent supports of family planning for the higher and lower classes, which helps to reduce the gaps between different ferility levels of the classes and to keep and improve the quality of population. 4)population education for both students and adults, which helps to minimize the gap between the private and public requirements.

The purpose of this study is estimate limits of Korean life expectancy at birth by 'Gompertz growth curse Model', 'Cause-Elimination Model' and Multidimensional models of Senescencee and Mortality'. Data used in Gompertz curve were obtained from all life tables published from 1905 to 1990 in Korea, and life expectancies at birth of eighteen groups were selected at five-year interval in consideration of time-series changes. Data used in Cause-Elimination Model are 'Cause of Death statistics in 1991' published in 1992 by National Bureau of Statistics of Korea and 'life table of 1989' published in 1990 by National Bureau of Statistics, Economic Planning Board of Korea. The materials are all classifiable death data, 119, 253 cases of male and 82, 420 cases of female, which is from 1991 Causes of Death statistics. The cases of death analyzed belong to one of 8 categories; i.e., Infectious and Parasitic Diseases(001-139; with notation of Infectious Diseases), Malignant Neoplasms(140-208), Hypertensive Diseases(401-405), Ischemic Heart Dieases and Diseases of Pulmonary Circulation and Other Forms of Heart Diseases(410-429;with notation of Heart Disease), Cerebrovascular Diseases(430-438), Chronic Liver Diseases and Cirrhosis(571; with notation of Liver Diseases), Injury and Poisoning(800-999) and all other disease. Data used in 'Multidimensional models of senescence and mortality' were life table of 1989 published by National Bureau of statistics, Economic Planning Board of Korea and life table of 1970, 1978-79, 1983, 1985 and 1987. The major findings may be summarised as follows: 1. Estimate equations of Gompertz growth curve using life expectancy at birth during the 1905-1990 period are as the following. Male : y = 88.047697 $\times$ $0.199690^{0.903381x}$ Female : y = 95.632828 $\times$ $0.199690^{0.903381x}$ Limits of life expectancy at birth, which were estimated by Gompertz growth curve, are 88.05 for male and 95.63 for female. 2. The effect on life expectancy at birth eliminationg all causes death is 14.04 years(for male) and 10.86 years(for female). Astonishingly, eliminating the malignant neoplasms increase life expectancy at birth by 2.85 years for male 2.03 years for female in 1991. In table 8 we show the effect on life expectancy at birth of separately eliminating each of the 8 categorical causes of death. The theoretical limit to life expectancy by Cause-Elimination Model is 80.96 for male and 85.82 for female. 3. If the same rate of delay [0.376 year(male), 0.435 year(femable) per calendar year] continued, then life expectancy at birth would reach 74.82(male) years and 84, 10(female) years in 2010. With 14.04-years(male) and 10.86-years(female) effect attributable in 2010 would be 88.86 years(male) and 94.96(femable) years. 4. 'Multidimensional models of senescence and death' permits calculations of the value of the attribution coefficient (B), percent of loss per year of physiologic function. The results of Ro and B during the 1970-1989 period are listed in table 9. Estimate of limit to Korean life expectancy at birth by 'Multidimensional models of senescence and death' is 99.47 years for male and 104.74 years for female in 1989.

This study aims at identifying the recent change in marriage behaviors in Korea. The data used here is the vital statistics compiled from the vital registration system of which registration form is put on one from together with the civil registration form. According to the results of this analysis, since 1970 the number of marriages has steadily increased from about 300, 000 in the former of 1970s to about 400, 000 in the latter of 1980s, appproximately coincided with the change in population size at the marriageable age span. The few exceptions that can be seen in the 1970s seem to result from the impact of social upheavals during 1950s; since the birth cohorts affected by the low fertility during the Korean war and the post-war baby-boom generations chracterized by the high fertility entered the marriage market in the 1970s. However, the marriage rate shows a little increase from around 7 in the former of 1970s to around 9 in the latter of 1980s, indicating that the marriage prevalence has been more or less inconsiderably changed during this period. It is also found that the proportion of remarriage to the total marriages has increased to around 10 per cent in 1989, while decreasing that of first marriage. This fact can be attributable to the higher prevalence of divorces and the collapsing of the Confucianism ethic which contributed to expediting the remarriage of widows. Although this proportion is insignificant compared with that of the of more developed countries, it is not difficult to say that the proportion of remarriages will continue to increase in future. The age first at first marriage(AFM) which directly affects the span exposed to the risks pregnancy has increased to the age about 28 for male and about 25 for female in recent years. However, big difference in AFM between urban and rural areas has narrowed, resultant from the increasing involuntary postponement of marriage of rural young population who have met difficulties in seeking their bride or bridegroom in rural areas characterized by the heavy out-migration of young, particularly female, population. The present study shows the reverse relationship between AFM and educational attainment; i.e, the higher the educational attainment the lower the AFM. The conditions which are taken into considerations were the class and the family in the past time but which are, educational attainment, job and personal characteristics. With regard to the age condition, in recent years the male prefers the female younger than himself on the average by 3 years and vice versa, which is reduced form 4-5 years in beginning of 1970s. The age difference bride and bridegroom tends to decrease with the educational attainment increase. This may be attributable to the fact that the persons with the higher educational attainment prefer the love marriage and hence are more likely to choose their counterparts in the about same age. The education condition is characterized by the bridegroom having the higher educational level than bride. It is also significant to note that the proportion of love marriage has increased, whereas that of traditional arranged marriage has decreased. This is true in the urban areas than the rural areas, indicating that rights as well as responsibilities for marriage have been handed over the young population from their parents. In conclusion, the change in the marriage behaviors in Korea are characterized by increasing tendency for the postponement of first marriage, higher prevalences of divorces and a result remarriages, increase of love marriages, narrowing age difference between bride and bridegroom, etc. which are the main results of rapid industrization, increase in educational and economic activity opportunities and change in the ideals of marriages during the past decades. These phenomena prevailing in Korean society would affect not only the family structure that will become less proliferiated but the population size and structure. The most important is that the changes in marriage behaviors of Koreans and their impact on the society with respect to norms, values, morals, of individual and family in the social aspect, change in population size and structure in the demograpic aspects, and economic development in the economic aspects should be integrated into the plannings towards to the future.

Korea has successfully achieved a lowered fertility level owing to the strong population control policy and effective family planning program. Along with fertility decline and decreased number of children in family, average number of household members has decreased and nontraditional households such as one person household and households composed of unrelated individuals have prolifirated, even though the absolute number of them are found minimal in Korea. However in recent years several data and survey results suggest that one person households are gradually in the increasing trend. The study aimed at investigating the real state of one person households in Korea and next analyzing the proportional distribution of one person households by a few socioeconomic characteristics, thus providing basic for eatablishing far-singhted population and social welfare policy in the future. Korea has experienced high growth rate of economy through government-led development plans starting from the 1960s. During the past three decades, Korea has shifted from the agricultural state to the industrialized one. In compliance with the economic growth, urbanization and industrialization have brought about rural-to-urban migration and a great bulk of young population migrated to urban areas, who are seeking for educational and job opportunities. Korean society has also been under drastic change in every aspect of life involving norms, tradition, and attitude, etc. Therefore, in spite of the prejudice on 'living alone' still remaining, young people gradually leave parents and home, and further form nontraditional households in urban areas. Current increase in the number of one person households is partly attributable to the increase in high female educational attainment and female participation in economic activities. As the industrial structure in Korea changes from primary into secondary and tertiary industries, job opportunities for service/sales and manufacturing are opened to young female labor force in the process of industrialization. Contrary to the formation of one person households by young people, the aged single households are composed when children in family leave one by one because of marriage, education, employment. In particular, a higher proportion of aged female single households occur in rural areas due to the mortality difference by sex. Based on the data released form the 1990 Population and Housing Census and National Fertility and Family Health Survey in 1985 and 1991, the study tried to examine the state of one person households in Korea. According to Census data, the number of one person households increased to 1, 021, 000 in 1990, comprising 9.0 percent of total households. And the survey reveal that among total 11, 540 households, 8.0 percent, 923 households, are composed of one person households. Generally, the proportion of female single households is greater than that of male ones, and a big proportion of one person households is concentrated in the 25-34 age bracket in urban areas and 65 years and more in rural areas. It is shown than one person householders in urban areas have higher educational attainment with 59.2 percent high schooling and over in 1991, Job seeking proved to be the main reason for leaving home and forming one person households. The number of young female single households with higher education and economic self-reliance are found nil and the study did not allow to analyze the causal realtionship between female education and employment and one person household formation. However more research and deep analysis on the causal facors on one person household formation using statistical method are believed to be necessary.

이 글은 1993년 4월 5일에서 8일 사이 영국의 에쌕스 대학교 (Univ. of Essex) 에서 열렸던 연례 영국 사회학회에서 발표되었던 글을 줄이고 다시 다듬은 것이다. 따라서 최초의 내용과는 꽤 차이가 있다. 지난 반세기 동안 이 땅에 밀어 닥쳤던 산업화, 도시화를 비롯한 이른바 근대화에 의하여 엄청난 사회변동을 겪었다. 인구학적으로든, 문화적으로든, 그리고 경제 성장면에서나 사회적으로도 변화의 폭과 속도는 다른 어느 나라와도 비길 수 없는 거대한 것이었다. 이런 변화의 물결 속에서 한국 가족은 스스로 많은 변신을 하여야 했다. 그리고 그 변화는 그 자체가 또 하나의 사회적 힘으로 등장하여 제2, 제3의 영향력을 현대 한국인의 일상생활에 연속적으로 끼쳤다. 그럼에도 불구하고 전통적 가치관은 사회구조의 중요한 부분들을 차지하고 여전히 한국인의 삶을 조정하고 있다. 이 논문은 위와 같은 맥락에서 가족구조의 변동을 분석하고 있다. 우선, 한국의 가족크기는 어떻게 바뀌었는가 현대 한국인들 사이에 가장 자주 관찰되는 가족유형은 어떤 것이 있는가 또한 일반적 유형으로부터 벗어나 버린 가족형태에는 어떤 것들이 있으며 그런 것들은 어느만큼 뚜렷한 존재로 증가하였는가 등을 따져 보았다. 지난 4반세기 동안 일어 났던 가족분야의 변동은, 전통적 가족주의의 원리가 전반적으로 약화하였다는 점에서 기존의 근대화 이론의 논의와 일치하고 있다. 하지만 전통적 원리가 비록 미약하나마 여전히 존재하며, 생각지도 못하였던 가족 형태가 증가하기 시작하였다는 점에서 근대화 이론의 타당성은 재음미되어야 하리라 본다.