• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.87-102
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• 1999

Objectives : The purposes of this study were to estimate the prevalence rate of eating disorders in Korean males and to clarify their characteristics in sociodemograhic data, the eating traits, and general psychopathology through the comparison with those of female high scored group on the Korean version of Eating Attitudes Test-26(KEAT-26). Methods : Using a multi-stage questionnaire sampling method including area sampling, proportionated stratified sampling, and quota sampling, we surveyed a total of 4,400 Korean adults over 18 in a nationwide area(9 kus, 10 middle or small cities, and 17 kuns), obtaining usable responses on 3,896. Of the 3,062 subjects(1249 males and 1813 females) who were available for analysis, we ascertained 52 males and 208 females who had high score($\geq$ cutoff point 21) on the KEAT-26. Results : 1) The proportion of this high score group was 1.7% in male and 6.8% in female with a sex ratio(male versus female) of 1 : 4. 2) The mean age was higher in the male group than in the female group, although it was not statistically significant(p=0.0514). Mean Body Mass Index(BMI) of the male group was significantly higher than that of female group, and the number of male subjects with below 20 of BMI was also significantly lower than in the female group. 3) There were no significant difference in past history of physical illness between two groups. However, frequency of smoking and alcohol use, and mean amount of alcohol consumption per month were significantly higher in the male group than in the female group. There were no significant differences between the two groups on various socio-demographic correlates such as economic status, total duration of education, number of family, marital status, religious status, and area of residence, but the exception of being occupational status. 4) The 'Eating Habits Scale' score and score of 'preference for vegetables and fish, and dislike for sweet-tasting food' of the male group were significantly lower than those of the female group. Although there was no significant difference between the two groups in total scores of the KEAT-26, the mean score on 'pursuit of thinness' subscale was higher in the female group than in the male group, while scores of 'food preoccupation' and 'self-control' subscales were higher in the male group than in the female group. 5) Scores on 'psychoticism' was significantly higher in the male group than in the female group, although there were no significant differences between the two groups on 'locus of control for weight', 'depression' and 'hypochondriasis'. Conclusion : These results support a possibility of a high prevalence of eating disorders in Korean males. These results suggest that eating related characteristics of high scorer on the EAT are different by sex in spite of the same high score on the EAT, and also suggest that male patients with eating disorders have more serious personality pathology than female patients with eating disorders.

• Pediatric Gastroenterology, Hepatology & Nutrition
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.31-39
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• 2004

Purpose: Although acute nonspecific mesenteric lymphadenitis (ANML) is probably common cause of abdominal pain in children, which can be severe enough to be an abdominal emergency, the clinical features of mesenteric lymphadenitis are not clear. Also, a differential diagnosis with acute appendicitis (APPE) is indispensable to avoid serious complications. The clinical features of ANML were determined, and the risk factors for differential diagnosis with APPE were analyzed. Methods: Between November 2000 and May 2001, data from 26 patients (aged 1 to 11 years) with ANML and 21 patients (aged 2 to 13 years) with APPE were reviewed. ANML was defined as a cluster of five or more lymph nodes measuring 10 mm or greater in their longitudinal diameter in the right lower quadrant (RLQ) without an identifiable specific inflammatory process on the ultrasonographic examination. There were risk factors on patient's history, physical examination, and laboratory examination; the location of abdominal pain, abdominal rigidity, rebound tenderness, fever, nocturnal pain, the vomiting intensity, the diarrhea intensity, the symptom duration, and the peripheral blood leukocytes count. Results: Of the 26 ANML patients and 21 APPE patients, abdominal pain was noted on periumbilical (76.9% vs 14.2%), on RLQ (11.5% vs 71.4%), with abdomen rigidity (7.6% vs 80.9%), with rebound tenderness (0.0% vs 76.1%)(p<0.05), in the lower abdomen (11.5% vs 14.2%), and at night (80.8% vs 100.0%) (p>0.05). The clinical symptoms were vomiting (38.4% vs 90.4%), the vomiting intensity ($1.5{\pm}0.7$ [1~3]/day vs $4.5{\pm}2.9$ [1~10]/day), diarrhea (65.3% vs 28.5%) (p<0.05), and fever (61.5% vs 76.2%)(p>0.05). The period to the subsidence of abdominal pain in the ANMA patients was $2.5{\pm}0.5$ (2~3) days. The laboratory data showed a significant difference in the peripheral blood leukocytes count ($8,403{\pm}1,737[5,900{\sim}12,300]/mm^3\;vs\;15,471{\pm}3,749[5,400{\sim}20,800]/mm^3$)(p<0.05). Discriminant analysis between ANML and APPE showed that the independent discriminant factors were a vomiting intensity and the peripheral blood leukocytes count and the discriminant power was 95.7%. Conclusion: The clinical characteristics of ANML were abrupt onset of periumbilical pain without rigidity or rebound tenderness, a mild vomiting intensity, normal peripheral leukocytes count, and relatively short clinical course. If the abdominal pain persist for more than 3 days, and/or the vomiting intensity is more than 3 times/day, and/or the peripheral leukocytes count is over $13,500/mm^3$, abdominal ultrasonography is recommended to rule out APPE.

• Journal of Yeungnam Medical Science
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.41-54
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• 2007

Background : The causes of chest pain vary but the leading cause of chest pain is ischemic heart disease. Mortality from ischemic chest pain has increased more than two fold over the last ten years. The purpose of this study was to determine the data necessary for rapid treatment of patients with signs and symptoms of ischemic chest pain in the emergency department (ED). Materials and Methods : We interviewed 170 patients who had ischemic chest pain in the emergency department of Yeungnam University Hospital over 6 months with a protocol developed for the evaluation. The protocol used included gender, age, arriving time, prior hospital visits, methods of transportation to the hospital, past medical history, final diagnosis, and outcome information from follow up. Results : Among 170 patients, there were 118 men (69.4%) and the mean age was 63 years. The patients diagnosed with acute myocardial infarction (AMI) were 106 (62.4%) and with angina pectoris (AP) were 64 (37.6%). The patients who had visited another hospital were 68.8%, twice the number that came directly to this hospital (p<0.05). The ratio of patients who visited another hospital were higher for the AMI (75.5%) than the AP (59.4%) patients (p<0.05). The median time spent deciding whether to go to hospital was 521 minutes and for transportation was 40 minutes. With regard to patients that visited another hospital first, the median time spent at the other hospital was 40 minutes. The total median time spent before arriving at our hospital was 600 minutes (p>0.05). The patients who had a total time delay of over 6 hours was similar 54.8% in the AMI group and 57.9% in the AP group (p>0.05). As a result, only 12.2% of the patients with an AMI received thrombolytics, and 48.8% of them had a simultaneous percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI). In the emergency department 8.5% of the patients with an AMI died. Conclusion : Timing is an extremely important factor for the treatment of ischemic heart disease. Most patients arrive at the hospital after a long time lapse from the onset of chest pain. In addition, most patients present to a different hospital before they arrive at the final hospital for treatment. Therefore, important time is lost and opportunities for treatment with thrombolytics and/or PCI are diminished leading to poor outcomes for many patients in the ED. The emergency room treatment must improve for the identification and treatment of ischemic heart disease so that patients can present earlier and treatment can be started as soon as they present to an emergency room.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
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• v.16 no.3 s.32
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• pp.171-179
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• 1977

Since the outbreak of the brown planthopper (Nilaparvata lugens) in 1915 caused tremendous losses in rice production, one of the more effective method of prevention of such a disaster could be the establishment of longterm forecasting system, In 1916 the author indicated there was a correlation between sunspot activities and brown planthopper and the white back planthopper outbreaks. However, the examples seem to be too small size to state a definite correlation. The purpose of the present study IS to revi~w the history of the brown planthopper outbreaks, and to establish a more effective forcasting system. The present forcasting methods are based on light trap catches of adults which already migrate into this country from mainland China. The regular cycle of 11.2 years of sunspot activity began in 1710, and was continued to present. To gather more records of brown planthopper, the author checked 'Joseon Wangjo Silrok' and analized the so-called 'Hwang' 'Hwang-chung' and 'Chung' which have multiple meanings, together with 'Samguk Sagi' 'Goryo Sa' and 'Munheon Bigo.' The results obtained by the about from review of these old literature citations revealed that ten species of insect and unknown species were involved: i. e., pine moth (Dendrolimus spectabilis), army worm (Mythimna separata), brown planthopper (Nilarvata lugens), white-back planthopper (Sogatella furcifera), migratory locust (Locutsa migratoria), rice stem borer (Chilo suppressalis,), mole cricket (Gryllotalpa africana), rice-plant weevil (Echinocnemus squameus), cut worm (Euxoa segetum), and mulberry pyralid Margaronia pyloalis) The suspected incidence of planthopper in old records expressed by 'Hwang' or 'Chung' revealed a total or 25 out of 37 in 'Samguk sagi,' 21 out of 49 in 'Goryo sa,' 9 of 73 in 'Wanjo-silrog,' and none of 8 in 'Munheon bigo' were planthoppers. Therefore, a total of 36 out of 167 records of insect incidence in the old literature can be possibly attributed to planthoppers. The brown planthopper and white-back planthopper migrate together to Korea every year from mainland China, However, the number of each species are differ by year. In 1975 outbreak the brown planthopper was dominant; and the white-back planthopper prevailed in 1946 and 1977 outbreaks, During the course of this study, the author was able to add a new record of outbreak of planthop per. In 1916 the white-back planthopper outbreak caused serious losses in Chungcheong-namdo and Jeonla-namdo, with losses estimated as high as 160 and 190 thousand seok (23.2 and 27.5 thousand M/T), in Naju and Secheon county, respectively. Since 1912, major outbreaks of brown planthopper or white-back planthopper have been recored 5 times. These occurrences coincide and well matched the period of minimum number of sunspots, With these authenticated records of planthoppers, the author believes there is a close correlation between brown planthopper and white-back planthopper outbreaks in Korea and sunspot activities. Therefore, in years of low number of sunspots, we should watch for and expect outbreaks of these. insects. At this time, it will be necessary to provide all possible prevention measures.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.25 no.3 s.39
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• pp.247-268
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• 1992

This study was conducted to evaluate the effect of VDT work on eyes and vision among workers in a TV manufacturing plant. The study subjects consisted of 264 screen workers and 74 non-screen workers who were less than 40 years old male and had no history of opthalmic diseases such as corneal opacities, trauma, keratitis, etc and whose visual acuity on pre-employment health examination by Han's test chart was 1.0 or above. The screen workers were divided into two groups by actual time for screen work in a day : Group I, 60 workers, lesser than 4 hours a day and group II, 204 workers, more than 4 hours a day. From July to October 1992 a questionnaire was administered to all the study subjects for the general charateristics and subjective eye symptoms after which the opthalmologic tests such as visual acuity, spherical equivalent, lacrimal function, ocular pressure, slit lamp test, fundoscopy were conducted by one opthalmologist. The proportion of workers whose present visual acuity was decreased more than 0.15 in comparison with that on the pre-employment health examination by Han's test chart was 20.6% in Group II. 15.0% in Group I and 14.9% in non-screen workers. However, the differences in proportion were not statistically significant. The proportion of workers with decreased visual acuity was not associated with the age, working duration, use of magnifying glass and type of shift work (independent variables) in all of the three groups. However, screen workers working under poor illumination had a higher proportion of persons with decreased visual acuity than those working under adequate illumination (P<0.05) . The proportion of workers whose near vision was decreased was 27.5% in Group II, 18.3% in Group I, and 28.4% in non-screen workers and these differences in proportion were not statistically significant. Changes of near vision were not associated with 4 independent variables in all of the three groups. Six out of seven subjective eye symptoms except tearing were more common in Group I than in non-screen workers and more common in Group II than in Group I (P<0.01). Mean of the total scores for seven subjective symptoms of each worker(2 points for always, 1 point for sometimes, 0 point for never) was not significantly different between workers with decreased visual acuity and workers with no vision change. However, mean of the total scores for Group II was higher than those for the Group I and non-screen workers (P<0.01). Total eye symptom scores were significantly correlated with the grade of screen work, use of magnifying glass, and type of shift work. There was no independent variable which was correlated with the difference in visual acuity between the pre-employment health examination and the present state, the difference between far and near visions, lacrimal function, ocular pressure, and spherical equivalent. Multiple linear regression analysis for the subjective eye symptom scores revealed a positive linear relationship with actual time for screen work and shift work(P<0.01). In this study it was not observed that the VDT work decreased visual acuity but it induces subjective eye symptoms such as eye fatigue, blurred vision, ocular discomfort, etc. Maintenance of adequate illumination in the work place and control of excessive VDT work are recommended to prevent such eye symptoms.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.215-236
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• 2006

This article focused on the meaning of the 1979 Moon Treaty and its future. Although the Moon Treaty is one of the major 5 space related treaties, it was accepted by only 11 member states which are non-space powers, thus having the least enfluences on the field of space law. And this article analysed the relationship between the 1979 Moon Treay and 1967 Space Treaty which was the first principle treaty, and searched the meaning of the "Common Heritage of Mankind(hereinafter CHM)" stipulated in the Moon treaty in terms of international law. This article also dealt with the present and future problems arising from the Moon Treaty. As far as the 1967 Space Treaty is concerned the main standpoint is that outer space including the moon and the other celestial bodies is res extra commercium, areas not subject to national appropriation like high seas. It proclaims the principle non-appropriation concerning the celestial bodies in outer space. But the concept of CHM stipulated in the Moon Treaty created an entirely new category of territory in international law. This concept basically conveys the idea that the management, exploitation and distribution of natural resources of the area in question are matters to be decided by the international community and are not to be left to the initiative and discretion of individual states or their nationals. Similar provision is found in the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention that operates the International Sea-bed Authority created by the concept of CHM. According to the Moon Treaty international regime will be established as the exploitation of the natural resources of the celestial bodies other than the Earth is about to become feasible. Before the establishment of an international regime we could imagine moratorium upon the expoitation of the natural resources on the celestial bodies. But the drafting history of the Moon Treaty indicates that no moratorium on the exploitation of natural resources was intended prior to the setting up of the international regime. So each State Party could exploit the natural resources bearing in mind that those resouces are CHM. In this respect it would be better for Korea, now not a party to the Moon Treaty, to be a member state in the near future. According to the Moon Treaty the efforts of those countries which have contributed either directly or indirectly the exploitation of the moon shall be given special consideration. The Moon Treaty, which although is criticised by some space law experts represents a solid basis upon which further space exploration can continue, shows the expression of the common collective wisdom of all member States of the United Nations and responds the needs and possibilities of those that have already their technologies into outer space.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.29 no.4 s.55
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• pp.747-764
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• 1996

This study intended to obtain an useful information for health management of lead exposed workers and determine biological monitoring interval in early period of exposure by measuring the lead exposure indices and work duration in all male workers (n=433 persons) exposed less than 1 year in 6 storage battery industries and in 49 males who are not exposed to lead as control. The examined variables were blood lead concentration (PBB), Zinc-protoporphyrin concentration (ZPP), Hemoglobin (HB) and personal history; also measured lead concentration in air (PBA) in the workplace. According to the geometric mean of lead concentration in the air, the factories were grouped into three categories: A; When it is below $0.05mg/m^3$, B; When it is between 0.05 and $0.10mg/m^3$, and C; When it is above $0.10mg/m^3$. The results obtained were as follows: 1. The means of blood lead concentration (PBB), ZPP concentration and hemoglobin(HB) in all male workers exposed to lead less than 1 year in storage battery industries were $29.5{\pm}12.4{\mu}g/100ml,\;52.9{\pm}30.0{\mu}g/100ml\;and\;15.2{\pm}1.1\;gm/100ml$. 2. The means of blood lead concentration (PBB), ZPP concentration and hemoglobin(HB) in control group were $5.8{\pm}1.6{\mu}g/100ml,\;30.8{\pm}12.7{\mu}g/100ml\;and\;15.7{\pm}1.6{\mu}g/100ml$, being much lower than that of study group exposed to lead. 3. The means of blood lead concentration and ZPP concentration among group A were $21.9{\pm}7.6{\mu}g/100,\;41.4{\pm}12.6{\mu}g/100ml$ ; those of group B were $29.8{\pm}11.6{\mu}g/100,\;52.6{\pm}27.9{\mu}g/100ml$ ; those of group C were $37.2{\pm}13.5{\mu}g/100,\;66.3{\pm}40.7{\mu}g/100ml$. Significant differences were found among three factory group(P<0.01) that was classified by the geometric mean of lead concentration in the air, group A being the lowest. 4. The mean of blood lead concentration of workers who have different work duration (month) was as follows ; When the work duration was $1\sim2$ month, it was $24.1{\pm}12.4{\mu}g/100ml$, ; When the work duration was $3\sim4$ month, it was $29.2{\pm}13.4{\mu}g/100ml$ ; and it was $28.9\sim34.5{\mu}g/100ml$ for the workers who had longer work duration than other. Significant differences were found among work duration group(P<0.05). 5. The mean of ZPP concentration of workers who have different work duration (month) was as follows ; When the work duration was $1\sim2$ month, it was $40.6{\pm}18.0{\mu}g/100ml$, ; When the work duration was $3\sim4$ month, it was $53.4{\pm}38.4{\mu}g/100ml$ ; and it was $51.5\sim60.4{\mu}g/100ml$ for the workers who had longer work duration than other. Significant differences were found among work duration group(P<0.05). 6. Among total workers(433 person), 18.2% had PBB concentration higher than $40{\mu}g/100ml$ and 7.1% had ZPP concentration higher than $100{\mu}g/100ml$ ; In workers of factory group A, those were 0.9% and 0.0% ; In workers of factory group B, those were 17.1% and 6.9% ; In workers of factory group C, those were 39.4% and 15.4%. 7. The proportions of total workers(433 person) with blood lead concentration lower than $25{\mu}g/100ml$ and ZPP concentration lower than $50{\mu}g/100ml$ were 39.7% and 61.9%, respectively ; In workers of factory group A, those were 65.5% and 82.3% : In workers of factory group B, those were 36.1% and 60.2% ; In workers of factory group C, those were 19.2% and 43.3%. 8. Blood lead concentration (r=0.177, P<0.01), ZPP concentration (r=0.135, P<0.01), log ZPP (r=0.170, P<0.01) and hemoglobin (r=0.096, P<0.05) showed statistically significant correlation with work duration (month). ZPP concentration (r=0.612, P<0.01) and log ZPP (r=0.614, P<0.01) showed statistically significant correlation with blood lead concentration 9. The slopes of simple linear regression between work duration(month, independent variable) and blood lead concentration (dependent variable) in workplace with low air concentration of lead was less steeper than that of poor working condition with high geometric mean air concentration of lead. The study result indicates that new employees should be provided with biological monitoring including blood lead concentration test and education about personal hygiene and work place management within $3\sim4$ month.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.170-203
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• 2018

From the period of Japanese colonialism up to the present, the researchers of archaeology and ancient history in Korea and Japan have paid much attention to the Honam area. Recently the ruins and relics of Wae lineage are often discovered at archaeological excavation sites in this region. In particular, at least 17 keyhole-shaped mounds were confirmed. The fact that three mounds were built on one site was newly revealed. Haniwa, a representative earthenware object of the Kofun period in Japan, was discovered as well. Therefore, the study of a historical meaning of archaeological materials about Wae lineage in the Honam area thus far must be reexamined. The ruins and relics of Wae lineage in the Honam area have been studied by selecting only specific cases. I identified all the ruins and relics of Wae lineage in the Honam area and analyzed the process of their change in this paper. I reviewed the relationship between Wae and Mahan, and the purpose of their negotiation based on archaeological characteristics, changing processes, and historical records on a quarterly basis. The ruins and relics of Wae lineage have increased and widely spread since the early period of the 5th century in the Honam area. This tendency continued until the late period of the 6th century. Weapons of Wae lineage were introduced and tombs in the style of Wae were built from the late 4th century to the early period of the 5th century (TG232~TK216 period). Sueki was introduced from the middle to late period of the 5th century (TK208~TK23 period). Keyhole-shaped mounds and tombs in the style of Wae were built from the late period of the 5th century to the early period of the 6th century (TK47~MT15 period). Japanese weapons were introduced from the middle to late period of the 6th century (TK10~TK209 period). In other words, the archaeological appearance is different in each quarterly period. There was an intensive diplomatic relationship between Baekje and Wae in the TG232~TK216 period. The military might be included in a mission of Wae. The materials of Wae lineage of this period are likely to be related to this. Sueki spread to the inland part of the Honam area in the TK208~TK23 period. This Sueki tends to be excavated on advantageous sites for the accumulation and distribution of supplies. The main characters of the keyhole-shaped mounds are presumed to be a group of traders which were under the control of a certain influence in the north of Kyushu. The keyhole-shaped mounds were abruptly built at some distance from mounds of the leaders in the Honam area. Additionally, there was no special influence base to which the characters of the keyhole-shaped mounds belonged in the surroundings. However, it might have been impossible for the group of traders to build the keyhole-shaped mounds without the support from the residents at all because there was a big difference in the building technology of the keyhole-shaped mounds between Japan and the Honam area. The time of building some keyhole-shaped mounds is the same or almost the same with that of the mounds built for the regional leaders. This proves a close relationship with the residents as well. What do the archaeological materials of Wae lineage which have been used and buried mean over 200 years in the Honam area? Geumgwan Gaya, which had exported iron resources to Japan, perished in the early period of the 5th century. Instead of Gaya, the Honam area might have played an important role to supply the necessary resources to Japan. We assume that the Japanese (Wae) actively worked to acquire various resources focusing on the underground resources in the Honam area.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.82-101
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• 2014

The purpose of this study was to survey and analyze the origin story and the legends associated with Yongyudam(龍遊潭, Dragon Creek), its scenic and spatial description in Climbing Writings(遊山記: Yusangi Notes), its geographical and geological features, its surrounding remains and letters chiseled on the rocks through the field study and the study on literatures associated with it so to identify its significance and value and then to ensure justification on preservation of Yongyudam scenic site. Conclusions of this study are as follow. As the traditional scenic place 'Geumdae-Jiri(金臺智異)' representing Hamyang-gun(咸陽郡) depicts Mount Cheonwangbong and 'Yongyudong Village(龍遊洞)', ancient maps and literatures have positioned Yongyudam as the center of Eomcheon-river Creek as well as the representing scenic site of Yongyudong Village. Core images in the spatial awareness of Yongyudam described in our ancestors' Climbing Writings Notes on Jirisan Mount are 'geographical and scenic peculiarity associated with swimming dragons', 'potholes in various shapes and sizes scattered on rocks', 'loud sound generated by swirling from shoals' and 'the scenic metaphor from the dragon legend', which have led scenic features of Yongyudam scenic site. In addition, significant scenic metaphors from legends such as 'Nine Dragons and Ascetic Majeog' and 'Kasaya Fish' as well as 'the Holy Place of Dragon God', the rain calling magic god have descended not only as the very nature of Yongyudam scenic site but also the catalyst deepening its mystic and place nature. On the other hand, Jangguso Place(杖?所, Place of Scholars) in the vicinity of Yongyudam was the place of resting and amusement for scholars from Yeongnam Province, to name a few, Kim Il-son, Cho Sik, Jung Yeo-chang and Kang Dae-su, where they experienced and recognized Jirisan Mount as the scenic living place. Letters Carved on the rocks at Jangguso Place are memorial tributes and monumental signs. Around Yongyudam, there are 3 stairs, letters chiseled on the rocks and the water rock artificially built to collect clean water, which are traditional scenic remains detectable of territoriality as the ritual place. In addition, The letters on the rock at Yongyudong-mun(龍遊洞門) discovered for the first time by this study are the sign promoting Yongyudam as the place of splendid landscape. The laconism, 'It is the Greatest Water in Jirisan Mount(方丈第一山水)' on a rock expresses the pride of Yongyudam as the representing scenic place of Mount Jirisan. Other than those, standing rocks such as Simjindae Rock, Yeong-gwidae Rock and Ganghwadae Rock show the sign that they are used as amusement and gathering places for ancestor scholars, which add significance to Yongyudam. By this study, it was possible to verify that Yongyudam in Mount Jirisan is not simply 'the scenic place in the tangible reality' but also has seamlessly inherited as the traditional scenic attraction spiritualized by overlapped historical and cultural values. Yongyudam, as the combined heritage by itself, shows that it is the product of the place nature as well as unique ensemble of cultural scenic attraction inherited through long history based on natural scenery. It is certain that not only the place value but also geographical, geological, historical and cultural values of Yongyudam are the essence of traditional scenic attraction, which should not be disparaged or damaged by whatever political or economic interests and logics.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.95-130
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• 2006

Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.