• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.241-260
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to explore Buddhist interpretation of Jeong Mong-joo, a Confucian scholar of the late Goryeo Dynasty. Buddhism in the latter part of the Goryeo Dynasty was no longer able to exercise the social purity of the national spirit and culture. In this situation, Neo-Confucian was gradually accepted. Thus, a change of ideology was made from Buddhism to Confucianism. Jeong Mong-joo's academic world was based on the fundamental scriptures of Confucianism. Jeong Mong-joo was especially well versed on the Book of Changes in the fundamental scriptures of Confucianism. Jeong Mong-joo emphasized the Book of Changes as the basis of the Buddhist interpretation. Jeong Mong-joo met the doctrines through various Buddhist scriptures. He was interested in Buddhism. There were not a few meetings and social gatherings with Buddhist monks. For this reason, Jeong Mong-joo cannot ignore his connection with Buddhism. On the other hand, Jeong Mong-joo is characterized by his understanding of Buddhism and his critical consciousness as Confucianist.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.363-386
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• 2009

This paper's aim is to articulate the educational ideas and methodology of Confucian philosophy in contrast with western classical Philosophy. The ideas and methodology of western classical philosophy is manifested on "the similes of cave" in The Republic of Plato. "The similes of cave" teaches us that 1) philosophy begins with criticism of everyday's consciousness, 2) philosophy is based upon radical philosophical attitude, 3) philosophy request absolute knowledge of the ultimate, 4) philosopher enlightenments the people with absolute knowledge of the ultimate. Confucius said, "at fifteen, I had my mine bent on learning, ⋯⋯ at fifty I knew the decrees of Heaven, ⋯⋯ at seventy, I could follow what my heart desired, without transgressing what was right." This is a typical of philosophical life. Therefore, What the Great Learning as one of confucian Four Books represents, is 1) to illustrate illustrious Virtue, 2) to renovate the people, 3) and to rest in the highest excellence.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.163-174
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• 2024

The purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between social change and ritual change and to reveal the differences between Confucian funeral rites and modern rituals based on that relationship. In addition, we attempted to examine the process of change in rituals over time in connection with changes in institutions. The periodization of funeral rites was analyzed by dividing them into the pre-modern 'Confucian funeral rites', the 'modern funeral rites' during the Japanese colonial period, and the 'modern funeral rites' based on ritual capital with the implementation of the Healthy Family Rituals Standards in 1999. In addition, the understanding of the rites of the times must be understood through the process of moving from pre-modern to modern funeral rites and modern funeral rites, escaping the logical contradiction of succession of tradition through division of time. This study is meaningful in considering that Koreans' perception of death continues to reflect the times from the perspective of change and continuation of rituals.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.71-103
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• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.189-213
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• 2008

When we say the core thought of the Analects of Confucius, we normally come up with 'Ren(仁)'. However, in the first phrase of Chapter One("學而") of the Analects, there is no mention about 'Humanity'. Then, why the editor of the Analects of Confucius had put the First Chapter at the opening of book? This paper aims to describe the fact that the First Chapter One of the Analects of Confucius implies the core thought of Kongzi(孔子). In the First Chapter One, the vocabularies, such as 'Pleasure'(說), 'Delight'(樂), and 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) are central to the phrasal structure. 'Pleasure'(說) is the phase to cultivate himself, or the phase to equip with a qualification in order 'to establish a righteous relation'. And 'Delight'(樂) is the stage to establish relationships with colleagues who share same value and ambition with himself. 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) is the stage to 'establish righteous relationships' with all people in the world, and it denotes an ideal human image presented by Kongzi(孔子). The core concepts of the First Chapter One are connected to the core thoughts of the Analects of Confucius, to wit, 'Ren'(仁), 'Shu'(恕), and 'Xiujizhiren'(修己治人). If 'Ren'(仁) and 'Shu'(恕) refer to specifically 'establishment of righteous relationship', then 'Pleasure'(說) is the stage to obtain qualification in order to 'establish righteous relationship', and 'Delight'(樂) is the stage to 'establish relationships' with brothers and colleagues, and 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) means a person who can build up 'righteous relationships' with all the people of the world. Regarding the Confucianism in 'Character building and guiding other souls' Confucius presents three phases, viz. 'Cultivation of himself in reverential carefulness'(修己以敬) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Cultivation of himself so as to give rest to others'(修己以安人) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Cultivation of himself so as to give rest to all the people'(修己以安百姓), and the se get through 'Pleasure'(說) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Delight'(樂) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) in the First Chapter One of the Analects of Kongzi(孔子). The human image, named 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) presented in the Chapter One is equated with the human who practices 'morality'(修養) that attained by means of 'cultivation'(實踐) through 'establishment of relationship'.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.37
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• pp.297-328
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• 2021

This paper aims to find out from what perspective Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars evaluated and understood Yang Xiong's guiding principles and literature at the micro level and to reveal the academic trends of Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars. This topic is approached as follows: first, an evaluation of Yang Xiong's way of living as a 'senior state official of Wang Mang (the controversial Emperor of the short-lived Xin Dynasty)'; second, Yang Xiong's literary character and his literary works; third, Yang Xiong's writing style; and fourth, Yang Xiong's view of good and evil. These can be summarized in three main ways: One is to agree with Zhu Xi's criticism of Yang Xiong as a 'senior state official of Wang Mang' and dismiss his guiding principles, academic achievements, literature, and other accomplishments. Most of these negatives have been found in Confucian scholars who are especially enthusiastic about theology. Examples include Hong Jikpil, Wi Baekgyu, Kim Wonhaeng, and Lee Sangjeong. In the case of kings such as King Yeong-Jo, the assessment of Yang Xiong is quite similar. The following assessments of Yang Xiong are positive though. Positive assessments are presented from two different views. One is a balanced approach that covers both the positive and negative aspects of Yang Xiong. For example, Heo-Kyun's understanding. Another positive view can be analyzed from three perspectives. The first case is when the scholars assessing Yang Xiong were not deeply influenced by Zhu Xi's criticism of him. Seo Geojeong and Seong-Hyeon are examples. The second case are those that broke away from theology or adhered to Silhak [Practical Studies]. Yi-Ik is an example. Third, assessments from scholars who posited that truth was of a pluralistic nature. Jang-Yu is an example of such scholars. Regarding theories of human nature; however, there was consensus among Confucian scholars that Mengzi held that human nature is good, and thereby it was common to criticize Yang Xiong's theory that human nature was a mixture of good and evil. From an ideal micro perspective, Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars' different assessments of Yang Xiong show that their understanding and evaluation of Yang Xiong differed in accordance with their own differing worldviews and ideas.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.127-153
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• 2003

In early Josun(朝鮮) era, the scholars, genteels, and high officials in Josun dynasty paid attention to Sijo(時調) who hoped Josun society would share Confucian values. Sijo poems written by them are based upon Confucian ideology, giving an opportunity to its members to make sure their homogeneity and helping Josun dynasty sustain its regime. Gyongichega(景幾體歌) has, however, already failed to be an appropriate genre to do these functions. Nevertheless, in the late Josun dynasty when there were agitation in class hieracy, development of currency economics, maldistribution of wealth, and pursuit of enjoyment, obscene poems turned out. Consequently these songs contributed to encroaching and eventually destroying the Josun dynasty. The question that who are in charge of creating and enjoying Sasulsijo(辭說時調) cannot be answered by approaching it in the social class point of view. The range of the maker or the reader of Sasulsijo in the late Josun dynasty was much more extensive than that in the early times. Not only aristocracy or the middle society but even some of the lower class may have made and enjoyed those songs. In the meantime, it is singer-songwriters whom Park, Hyogwan blamed for their profiteering abuse of obscenity that is supposed to have been mainly reponsible for the creation of those songs. Siga is a double-edged art in its essence--the good and the bad. The lewd songs were, in the early Josun, strictly controlled but in the late Josun dynasty, were thriving due to social changes. In this context, songs based on Confucian ideology as well as the ones focused on sexual love became decayed along with the collapse of the Josun dynasty. Even though, in the light of the history of Siga, those two types of Siga are underestimated in its artistic value, they have very special social historical meaning in doing positive and negative functions for existence and destroy of the Josun dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.253-288
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• 2014

A pen name Chuman(秋巒; a mountain of Fall), Jeong Ji-wun(1509-1561) is a famous person wrote "Cheonmyeong-Doseol" which made two men, Yi Hwang and Ki Dae-$s{\breve{u}}ng$ dispute Sachil-Nobyeon(traditional argument about heart/mind). But except this point, few people of nowadays know who Jeong Ji-wun was. Therefore this paper is made for understanding Jeong Ji-wun in the point of view in history of thought. "Cheonmyeong-Doseol" by Jeong Ji-wun had systemized traditional theory of Cheonil-Habil(sky and human are an organic body), through this theory, Jeong Ji-wun had taken an important role who developed the Neo-Confucian theory in the field of political thought at that time. All Neo-Confucian literati used the theory of heart/mind as a sole useful method in political field from after King Myeonjong and Seonjo. "Cheonmyeong-Doseol" by Jeong Ji-wun was a first step to this scene. Especially "Cheonmyeong-Doseol" was got famous by arguments of Yi Hwang and Ki $Dae-s{\breve{u}}ng$, great scholars in the history of Chosun Dynasty. They firstly developed Sachil-Nobyeon, Sandan(pure morality) comes from li, Chiljeong(emotions) comes from Ch'i, is it right or not? This argument with "Cheonmyeong-Doseol" raised up the level of Neo-Confucian theory at that time. Like this, "Cheonmyeong-Doseol" was on the first step for Neo-Confucian literati to study and develop their theory of political thought which covered politics in Chosun Dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.255-281
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• 2017

This study examines the ways in which Confucianism developed in connection with other thoughts. Mythology especially had an great impact on the formation of Confucian thoughts. This study focuses on the concept of sage and examines how Confucianism and mythological thoughts influenced on formation and reformation of the concepts. In ancient religion, sages as a hierophantic figure, mediates human beings and gods, delivering the gods' messages to the human and the human's wishes to the gods. The fused role of shaman and ruler began to separate. A new type of leader without political power, but with a religious role with a moral authority is the Confucian concept of sage. A sage in Confucianism is an ideal person like Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi, an ordinary person can attain with effort. Anyone can become a sage in Confucianism. The early Confucian sage was more like a hyper-human with unaccessible authority in mythology. Later, a sage in Confucianism began to be described as a model figure that any human being can become. The aspect of shamans and diviners (wushi 巫師) did not disappear, but merged into a kingly power and transformed into a sage-king with moral authority. The new images are reflected in Confucian ideology of statehood or its religiosity. This study has explored the ways in which Confucianism and mythological thoughts interacted and influenced to each other through a concept of sage as an ideal personhood.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.181-208
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• 2018

This paper explores divination cultures of ancient China and how scriptures of the Zhou Yi had been interpreted in terms of Confucian ethics by the Confucian school focusing on Gan hexagram in the Shanghai Museum Zhou Yi manuscript. Gan hexagram shown on the Shanghai Museum Zhou Yi manuscript corresponds with Xian hexagram 咸卦 in the received text of the Zhou Yi, which means "gan 感," and the whole subjects of the hexagram are physical love and marriage between male and female. Such examples of divination for wedding between male and female are found frequently in ancient divination including Qinghuajian "Shifa" and these materials also demonstrates that Gan hexagram merely was a divination for love and marriage. However, Xunxi 荀子 "Dalue" 大略 and "Tuanzhuan" of the received text of the Zhou Yi had expanded to the dao 道 of husband and wife, and moreover, "erqi 二氣" philosophy of yin and yang by abstracting the theme of Gan hexagram, namely Xian hexagram, from love and marriage between male and female. Such expansion had stepped forward to a generative theory of all things that composes the world and cosmos in a way of natural philosophy and to a claim for peace under heaven in a way of human society through influences by shengren 聖人. "Xuguazhuan" also regards Xian hexagram 咸卦 as the dao of husband and wife and, based on it, expands to parents and children, sovereign and subject, superiors and inferiors, and the proprieties. The commentary of "Xuguazhuan" is concluded to human manners, starting with cosmic order. These statements interpreted scriptures of the Zhou Yi as Confucian ethics and show the aspects of how the Zhou Yi had become a Confucian classic.