• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.37
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• pp.263-295
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• 2021

Until recently, academic consensus held that Zhou Dunyi's Taijitu (Taiji Diagram) originated from Cantongqi. However, a new debate has arisen wherein some scholars question that theory and related theories. They criticize these previous theories because the books and charts used as evidence in those theories were published after the lifetime of Zhou Dunyi, and this disqualifies their influence on his thought. However, identifying certain authors as being of a slightly later period than Zhou Dunyi does not definitively answer whether or not Zhou Dunyi's diagram was based on Cantongqi. I approached this problem from a different perspective. Zhou Dunyi's Taijitu is based on the system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements. Consequently, the formation of this system should be traced back historically. In the process of tracing it back, I intended to explain that the main character of Cantongqi is closely related to the formation of the system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements. The system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements was first established as a religious theological system in the Han Dynasty. In this process, yin-yang and the five movements were combined by Dong Zhongshu, and the five movements were introduced by Han Dynasty scholars as a method of interpreting the I-ching. However, Han Dynasty scholars did not form this system. In the late Han Dynasty, Cantongqi adopted the theological system of yin-yang and the five movements to theoretically form the system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements. Cantongqi was able to form this system because of the logic that yin-yang is the essence of the I-ching. Cantongqi does not have the same schematic as Taijitu. However, the system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements appears and extracts the components that make up Taijitu. Therefore, I do not think we should hastily agree with the recent claims made by scholars.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.331-358
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• 2020

This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.45
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• pp.37-67
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• 2023

This paper aims to examine the loyalty and filial piety pursued by Taoists, focusing on the concept of loyalty and loyalty shown in Wenchang Filial Piety Classic and General Collection of Jingming on Loyalty and Filial Piety. After the Han Dynasty, the concept of loyalty and filial piety became the representative virtues that led the country and society to follow the ideology of Confucius as the dominant ideology. This applied to everyone from emperor to each individual. Taoism had different reasons for promoting the concept of loyalty and filial piety and these even varied from sect to sect, but generally, Taoism could also be said to emphasize loyalty and filial piety. Depending on the sect of Taoism, filial piety might be valued on its own or filial piety might be valued in conjunction with loyalty. In particular, defining Taoism was criticized for "forgetting the desirable behavior required in the human network of the world and severing relationships with various objects encountered in life." In this respect, the concept of loyalty and filial piety in General Collection of Jingming on Loyalty and Filial Piety, could be observed to emphasize 'filial piety' in conjunction with 'loyalty', and this shows the influence of Confucius' concept of loyalty and filial piety. At the same time, this shows the concept of loyalty and filial piety as reimagined by Taoism. The most fundamental aim of Taoism is to pursue immortality. However, as a prerequisite for becoming such a god, loyalty and filial piety, were practiced alongside 'gentleness' and 'humanity and trustworthiness.' Here, the Taoist emphasis on 'loyalty and filial piety', 'gentleness', and 'humanity and trustworthiness' is essentially the same as in Neo-Confucianism. However, seeking to become an immortal through these values represents a motivation that is different from Neo-Confucians who denied the pursuit of immortality. In this paper, loyalty and filial piety as understood and practiced by Neo-Confucian scholars will be compared with the same concepts in the Taoist context and the findings will be summarized via three categories. First, in the Taoist model longevity and the pursuit of immortality are seen as being closely related to filial piety. The reason why achieving longevity and pursuing immortality was considered closely related to filial piety is because this is a modified and enhanced reimagining of the Neo-Confucianist concept of loyalty and filial piety. The other is that Taoism's concept of loyalty and filial piety is richly supplemented with content about 'interactions between heaven and humankind.' When filial piety is practiced in this context, the principle of responding to the gods of heaven and earth is emphasized. At the same time, Taoism presents consequences for insufficient filial piety to parents or insufficient loyal to the king; disasters will be brought down by heaven. Finally, it is argued that the practice filial piety is necessary and should extend not only to parents to all phenomena in the world without distinguishing based on one's degree of intimacy to those phenomena.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.179-217
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• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.10-20
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• 2023

Zhū Xī, the representative of Confucianism, and Báiyùchán, the representative of Taoism in the South Song Dynasty, showed different sense of appreciation and enjoyment on the same space that was Mountain Wǔyí in their ideologically cultural ways. Based on the temples Wŭyíjīngshè(武夷精舍) where Zhū Xī stayed and Zhĭzhĭān(止止庵) where Báiyùchán resided, this study revealed their lives in such temples to look into their appreciation on ideology and space. Then, based on the words 'YiBoEumYeong [移步吟詠]' shown on the poetry they chanted in relation with Wǔyíjiǔqū from its 1^st valley to its 9^th valley, this study examines their understanding of scenery and system of appreciation that appeared in dynamic ways to conclude: First, even same scenery shows different understanding of scenery and appreciation of space in accordance with the viewers' thinking ways of culture. Second, as the Confucianism and Taoism influenced in ideologically cultural ways to develop each other in the Song dynasty, they absorbed their merits each other to supplement shortcomings in their own. In this process, they made it clear that their own propositions were different between them in their essential meanings although they used common terms for such propositions. Third, as the Confucian master who compiled the Neo-Confucianism of the South Song dynasty, Zhū Xī regarded Wŭyíjīngshè and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a place of learning and a place of seeking the truth to go for 'being unified with nature' so that everyday life can be united with Tao of Li [理] everywhere beyond the limited appreciation of the scenery. That is, this thought works for 'recovery of nature of our own [復其性]', the learning goal of Confucianism, and is aimed to 'cultivate the essential nature of our own(性情涵養)' through such beautiful nature. Fourth, as the master of Keumdan family of the South Song Taoism, Báiyùchán regarded Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a Taoist temple that has a long history rooting from Taesangwon temple, a clean place of discipline to become a Taoist hermit through hard training. He, therefore, directly referred to Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū in relation with the Taoist legends remaining in Wǔyíjiǔqū such as hermits' dinners, female hermits, leaving the human world as a hermit and so on as ways for becoming a hermit so that he went for the level of perfectly going out of human world and becoming a hermit. He, therefore, defined Mountain Wǔyí as a world and universe of hermits where he himself too hovered between outside and inside of poetry literature as a hermit through the mood and attitude of keeping himself enjoying the scenery as a hermit.

• The Bulletin of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.73.4-74
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• 2021

한국천문연구원은 2017년 제1차 구술채록사업에 이어 2020년 제2차 사업을 진행하면서 최초로 원외 원로에 대한 구술채록을 시도하였다. 국가 대표 천문연구의 산실로서 연구원 존재 의의를 확립하기 위하여 원내 원로에 국한되었던 구술자 대상을 확장한 것이다. 그 첫 외부 구술 대상자로 방득룡 전임 노스웨스턴 천문학과 교수를 선정하여 2020년 7월부터 준비단계에 들어갔다. 방득룡 전(前)교수가 첫 번째 한국천문연구원 원외 인사 구술자로 선정된 이유는, 그가 우리나라 천문대1호 망원경 구매 선정에 개입한 서신(1972년)이 자료로 남아있었기 때문이다. 한국천문연구원에서 2017년에 수행한 제1차 구술채록사업에서 구술자로 참여한 오병렬 한국천문연구원 원로가 기증한 사료들은 대부분 연구원 태동기 국립천문대 구축과 망원경 구매 관련 자료였으며 이 가운데 1972년 당시 과학기술처 김선길 진흥국장에게 Boller and Chivesns(사(社))의 반사경을 추천한 방득룡 전(前)교수의 서신은 한국 천문학 발전사에서 중요한 사료였다. 연구진은 이 자료를 시작으로, 방득룡 전(前)교수의 생존 여부와 문서고의 공기록물들에서 그의 흔적을 찾아가기 시작했다. 놀랍게도 그는 실제 세계와 한국천문연구원 문서고 깊숙이 기록물들 모두에서 상존하고 있었다. 1927년생인 방득룡 전(前)교수, Dr. John D. R.은 미국 플로리다 한 실버타운에서 건강한 정신으로 생존하여 있었고 연구진의 인터뷰에 흔쾌히 응했다. 2020년 9월 16일에 한국천문연구원 본원 세종홀 2층 회의실에서 영상통신회의로 그와의 구술인터뷰가 진행되었다. 이 구술인터뷰는 원외 인사가 대상이란 점 외에도 방법적으로는 전형적인 대면 방식이 아닌 영상 인터뷰였다는 점에서 코로나 시대의 대안이 되는 실험적 시도였다. 현대 한국천문학 발전사의 재조명 측면에서도 의미가 있었다. 1960년대 초반부터 1992년 정년퇴임까지 30년을 미국 유수 대학교 천문학과 교수로 재직하며 활발한 활동을 해 온 한국계 천문학자가 우리나라 최초 반사망원경 구매 선정에 적극 개입하였던 역사는, 공문서 자료들과 서신 사료들에 이어 그의 육성으로 나머지 의구심의 간극이 채워졌다. 또 구술자 개인이 주관적으로 중요하다고 여기는 '기억'이 중요한 아카이빙 콘텐츠 확장의 단초가 될 수 있다는 것을 보여줌으로써 구술사 연구에 있어서도 중요한 관점을 주었다. 애초 연구진이 방득룡 전(前)교수의 공식 기록에서 아카이빙의 큰 줄기로 잡았던 것은 1948년 도미, 1957년 위스콘신 대학교 천문학 박사학위 취득, 1962년부터 노스웨스턴 대학(일리노이주 에반스턴)의 천문학 교수진, 1992년 은퇴로 이어진 생애였다. 그러나 그와의 구술 준비 서신 왕래와 구술을 통하여 알게 된 그가 인생에서 중요시 여겼던 지점은, 1948년 도미 무렵 한국의 전쟁 전 상황과 당시 비슷한 시기에 유학한 한국 천문학자들의 동태, 그리고 1957년부터 1962년까지 프린스턴 대학교에서 M. Schwarzschild 교수와 L. Spitzer 교수를 보조하며 Stratoscope Project를 연구하였던 경험이었다. 기록학적 의미에서도, 전자를 통해서 그와 함께 동시대 한국 천문학을 이끌었던 인재들의 맥락정보를 얻을 수 있었으며, 후자를 통해서는 세계 천문학사에 큰 영향을 미친 석학에 대한 아카이브 정보와의 연계 지점과 방득룡 전(前)교수의 연구 근원을 찾을 수 있었다. 이들은 추후 방득룡 콘텐츠 서비스 시에 AIP, NASM, Lyman Spitzer 콘텐츠, 평양천문대, 화천조경천문대, 서울대와 연세대, 그리고 한국천문연구원까지 연계되어 전 세계 폭넓은 이용자들의 유입을 유도할 수 있는 검색 도구가 될 수 있다. 이번 방득룡 구술사 연구에서 구술자 개인의 주관적인 소회가 공식 기록이 다가갈 수 없는 역사적 실체에 일정 부분 가까울 수 있다는 것, 그리고 이를 통하여 개인의 역사는 공동체의 역사로 확장될 수 있다는 사실을 발견할 수 있었다. 또 연구진은 방득룡 전(前)교수의 회상을 통하여 구술자 개인의 시각으로 한국과 미국 천문학계의 공동체 역사를 재조명할 수 있었고, 이것을 아카이브 콘텐츠 확장 서비스에 반영할 수 있다는 기대를 가지게 되었다. 무엇보다 이 연구를 통하여 다양한 주제의 아카이브로 연동될 수 있는 주제어와 검색도구를 구술자 개인의 회상으로부터 유효하게 도출할 수 있다는 것을 확인하였다. 그리고 향후 한국천문 구술아카이브의 확장을 통하여 보다 다양한 활용과 연구 재활용의 선순환이 가능하다는 것도 알 수 있었다. 이는 최근 기록학계에서 대두되고 있는 LOD(Linked Open Data)의 방향성과도 흡사하여 한국천문학 구술사연구의 차세대 통합형 기록관리의 미래모형을 기대케 하는 대목이다.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.64-78
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• 2023

This article examines the background and meaning of the construction of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju, by Seolsan Cheonhee(1307~1382) in the late 14th century through the characteristics of the hall's mural. Six guardian deities(the Four Heavenly Kings in the center, Indra and Brahma on each side of the kings) are depicted on the southern wall(location of the entrance) of the Josadang, facing the statue of the great monk Uisang(625~702 AD) on the north wall. This mural is the oldest among Korean temple murals and exhibits very unique characteristics. In general, scenes from the scriptures are depicted on the back wall of the central statue. In contrast, the Josadang mural depicts only the guardian deities facing the main statue with no scene description. The appearance of the deities, who seem to protect the main statue of the monk Uisang, and their expressions, as if drawn from relief statues, are not seen in other murals. Nevertheless, it is similar to the stupas of the Seon(Ch. Chan 禪) sect monks established from the late Silla(57 BC~935 AD) through early Goryeo(918~1392 AD), with guardian deities on their surface. The iconography of the deities is a classic form of the late Silla to early Goryeo. The fact that the Josadang was built to commemorate Uisang, who founded the Korean Hwaeom sect(Ch. Huayan sect, 華嚴宗), and that guardians were placed to protect Uisang's statue reveals the concept of worship for the monk who founded the sect. As a result, the reason Cheonhee built the hall can also be understood as an extension of the ideology behind the construction of the stupas of the Seon sect monks. The problem, however, is that Cheonhee is a monk of the Hwaeom sect, and Buseoksa is a representative temple of the Hwaeom sect, not the Seon sect. Therefore, to better understand the background of the hall's construction, this article examined the situation of Goryeo Buddhism in the 14th century as well as the activities of Seolsan Cheonhee. Since Ganhwa Seon(Ch. Kanhua Chan, 看話禪) was dominant in the 14th century, Cheonhee went to study in the Yuan Dynasty(1271~1368 AD) at the age of 58 and was approved by Chinese Ganhwaseon monks before taking the position of Guksa(國師 national monk). However, he was eventually pushed to Buseoksa Temple, where he worked hard to rebuild it. Cheonhee most likely sought to expand the Hwaeom sect, which had been shrinking compared to the Seon sect, by enhancing power with the reconstruction of Buseoksa. The desire that the Hwaeom sect, which was losing its power due to the rise of the Seon sect in the 14th century, attempted to develop it by building Josadang hall, is well revealed by the Josadang murals.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.363-386
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between theory of Confucian moral cultivation and meditation. Recently our community is more interested in 'a disease of mind'. A view of world, life, values which derived from the distorted perception of 'a disease of mind' can not be treated by psychiatric methods. In this sense, 'a disease of mind' is different from psychiatric illness. In this reason, alternative therapies applying philosophy, literature, arts, and humanities are attracting attention. Meditation is also one of them. In general, Meditation has been developed in Buddhism, but its method is closely related with Confucianism. Buddhist meditation has a pessimistic view of the reality in human life, but that of Confucian philosophy has laid stress on the reality and ego in human life. At this point, the Confucian meditation could provide a clue of solution for us in treatment of a disease of human mind. So Confucian moral cultivation and meditation have a great significance for the treatment of this disease as a methodology. In general, mental healing or psychotherapy has been proceeded by way of dialogue. 'Talking Cure' was conceived to let clients themselves recognize their current situation and find out the problem: "what happened and what's wrong" in their minds. But it does not have a high possibility of successful cure for subjects who are in the state of frustration, confusion, and lost of value. And also it is very difficult to apply to special institutions such as correctional institutions and military soldier who are targeted by current application of Humanities therapy. On this sense, it seems to be valuable to apply Confucian cultivation of mind and meditation which have emphasized the importance of mind-control for this. This study tries to examine theoretically how to relate the Confucian cultivation of mind with meditation, and to suggest a model of Humanities therapy that could be applied by Toe-gye's 『The Method on Preservation of Human mind(活人心方)』. Although Confucian cultivation of mind could present a meaningful theory for curing the disease of mind, it is very difficult to put the theory into practice. It is because Confucian cultivation of mind in itself is a kind of instruction that you need to do in all of your life, and essentially it is difficult to expect a temporary effect by performance or practice. So a cure model of Confucian cultivation of mind will be suggested on this assumption and limitations. This model is attempted on the main purpose of Humanities therapy in accordance with the development of a Korean model.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.288-318
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• 2023

This work began with the aim of examining the history of the concept "cultural property" that is expected to disappear, and the main subject of research was the history that preceded the spread of this notion throughout society. The phrase "cultural property" first appeared in the 1920s, and was used in various fields such as literature, history, music, and philosophy in the context of cultural resources. Until immediately following liberation from the Japanese colonial era, the meaning of cultural assets was widely applied in the range of "cultural resources," and during this period, it was often used to help supplant the reality and history of Japanese occupation. Immediately after the Korean War, it was also employed for the purpose of 'restoration of cultural resources through war'. Recognition of cultural property directly influenced by Japan's Cultural Heritage Protection Act has occurred since 1950s. In the early 1960s, the enactment of various laws related to cultural properties and the establishment of the Cultural Heritage Administration caused the meaning of cultural property to be limited to 'cultural heritage'. In this way, the definition of state-led cultural property has continued to apply to this day. It has not been clearly confirmed whether the concept of cultural properties was imported from Japan through means such as the Cultural Heritage Protection Act. Cases in which several Japanese students endorsed the concept of cultural property within Korea serve to increase the likelihood that the concept was indeed imported from Japan. However, "coined language using multiple Chinese characters," "the phenomenon of cultural complex words in the 1920s,", and "cases of non-Japanese international students using the concept of cultural property" also open up the possibility of their own occurrence. Apart from the general importance of the concept of cultural property, intellectuals at the time used this concept to promote internal development and the overcoming of colonial Joseon. In this research, it was confirmed that the conceptual word cultural property was older and had a wider history than the general perception had indicated previously. The history of the conceptual term "cultural property" may appear to be more than 60 years old based on the enactment of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act, but in fact it is nearly 100 years old when traced back to on 1925, as established here. In general, the creation and disappearance of terms may proceed naturally with social change, but such terms may alternatively be created or erased through national policy. Identifying the origins of a phrase that is about to disappear represents a significant task for purposes of establishing its historical meaning.

• Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.5-7
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• 1974

1. This study indicates that above the fiber saturation point the drying rate can be increased with increasing the velocity of the air circutation, i.e., the drying rate of sample boards is proportional to the air velocity, but below the fiber saturation point, the effect of the velocity of air circulation is very low as shown in Figs. 1 and 2. 2. Under the controlled temperature and humidity in the kiln, the more the sample boards have moisture, the higher drying rate of it can be obtained. In other words, this means that even though in the case of drying various moisture content of wood, at the final drying stage, approximately the same percentage of moisture content of wood can be secured by employing the higher velocity of air circulation. 3. This study shows that the rate of drying in kiln changes distinctly at the fiber saturation point, i, e., above the fiber saturation point, the drying curve shows concave aginst the X axsis, but below the fiber saturation point, in the range from 30 percent of moisture content to 20 percent of moisture content, the curve shows convex as shown in Fig. 3. As the drying progresses, however, the drying curve shows concave again below 20 percent of moisture content. This means that inflection point of drying curve may be located clearly at the fiber saturation point, i.e., 30 percent of moisture content. As mentioned above, the 30 percent of moisture content of wood at which the inflectional point appears can be recognized as a critical point, i. e., the fiber saturation point at which all free water was removed from wood. The existence of inflectional point indicates that the evaporation of hygroscopic water in a cell wall is more difficult than the evaporation of free water in a cell cavity and the minor space of cell wall. The convex curve in the range of moisture content from 30 percent to 20 percent means that the evaporation of capillary condensed water has a tendency of the same rates of drying approximately, but as approaching to the 20 percent of moisture, the transfusion of moisture from wood becomes difficult because of having less moisture in cell wall. Below 20 percent of moisture content, the drying curve shows concave again, which means that it is difficult to remove the moisture located nearer to the surface of cellulose molecules and the surface bound water. These relations were revealed in Fig. 4. In comparison AC curve which does not have the two inflection points with BD curve which has two inflection points, i.e., Band D, they are mentioned already, by existence of the inflection points, the curve BD shows that the change of drying rate in the interval from 20 percent of moisture content to 30 percent of moisture content is not greater than in the case of the curve AC in the same interval. At the inflection point of 30 percent of moisture content, it can be noticed that the changing of the drying rate is very conspicuous. This phenomenon also can be recognized, as it is noticed by the Fig. 3, the drying rate from green to 30 percent of moisture content is very great. But the inclination of the curve is very slow from 30 percent of moisture content to 20 percent of moisture content, i.e., the inclination of the curve becomes almost horizontal lines. Acknowledgments Gratitude is expressed to Fred E. Dickinson, Professor of 'Wood Technology, School of Natural Resources, University of Michigan, USA for his suggestion to carry out this study.