• Title/Summary/Keyword: village common forest

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A Study on the Dissolving Process around the Customary Common Right to Forest Utilization in Korea under the Rule of Japanese Imperialism (일제하(日帝下) 관습적(慣習的)인 산림이용권(山林利用權)의 해체과정(解體科程))

  • Bae, Jae Soo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.87 no.3
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    • pp.372-382
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    • 1998
  • This study aims to reveal the dissolving process around the customary common right to forest utilization through a series of policies consolidating the modern forest ownerships in Korea under the rule of Japanese Imperialism. The existence of the customary common right to forest utilization has been widely recognized since the old time. Common profitable actions in a certain area have been given to village residents to gain useful materials such as forage, timber, fuelwood, wild animals, soil, grazing, and quarry in forest, which were necessarily required for their own daily life as customary commodities. This right was divided into the right around common forests and special easement in forests. Therefore, the common forests applicable of these rights were classified into village common forests and special easement forests. Especially, General-Government granted the national forests in pre-emption to a private(88.6%, 2,463,555chungbo) or public(12.1%, 299,050chungbo). After all, most of the common forests were transferred into national forests in earlier stage and then later into public ar private forests by Japanese Imperialism.

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A study on the Types of Utilization and Administration of Common Forests in Korea (마을공동소유림(共同所有林)의 이용(利用) 및 관리실태(管理實態) 조사연구(調査硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.61 no.1
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    • pp.60-68
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    • 1983
  • Ever since the day of pre-modernized society where the farming skill had been in the stagnant condition, the common farmwoodlands have been utilized in common (collectivelly) by villagers in order to harvest farmwoodlands and fuelwoods. Later, during the process of modernization, most of the common farmwoodlands were transferred into national or public forests by the administrative enforcement, but there were still various types of village (common) forests such as the common forests owned by joint owners, village block associations, village forest productive societies, Village Forestry Association(V.F.A.), and the national or public forests leased to V.F.A. As Village Forestry Association is organized with a few villages, each of common forests ow nod to the villages is obliged to be diversely controlled by other managers than the chief of V.F.A. Therefore, it is to be desired that the control of common forests should be under Gun Forestry Association Union. While the rate of the use of common forests for fuelwoods and cemetery has been considerably high, villagers wish to promote the timber forest establishment through the collective management by their improved farming skills and economical situations. In these present circumstances the village forest productive societies should be guided to work in closer cooperation with Gun Forestry Association Union. Since the management of common forests is still extensive, it still remains in the semi-management condition under which we can not find any management plan or measure to control forest damage. Especially the small area common forests should have appropriate size for the joint management. This will promote the forest productivity through the lease for reforestation of disposable national forests or public county forests and the contracts for profit sharing. Today owing to increasing forest value, frequent dispute has occurred on the common right telated to the village forests and rationalization of forest management has been disregarded. If a necessary measure were taken to control the dispute such as transferring the registeration right of ownership to the village forest productive society, the confidence of local inhabitants can be regained and the productivity of forests can be naturally increased.

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Villagers' Participation in Conservation of Village Woodlands -Two cases of Namwon City, Korea (마을숲 보전 사업에 대한 마을 주민의 참여가능성 -남원시 2개 마을의 경우)

  • Park, So-Hee;Koo, Ja-Choon;Youn, Yeo-Chang
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.102 no.1
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    • pp.15-23
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    • 2013
  • This study aims to analyze factors affecting villagers' participation in conservation of village woodlands. We postulated that socio-economic characteristics such as gender, age, place of birth, wealth level, frequency of use and leader experience could contribute to decision-making of participation in the village woodland conservation. Data were collected by interviewing 52 villagers in village A and 41 villagers in village B and were used to estimate the probability function of villager's participation in village woodland conservation using ordered logit model. The results indicate that frequent use of village woodlands increases the probability of villagers' participation in conservation of village woodlands in the case of village A. In the case of village B, people who were born in the village and have experiences of serving the village as a village leader are more likely to participate in the village woodland conservation activities. Considering the fact that the village woodland of village A is owned by the community as a village common, and that cultural activities remain in the village woodland of village A, the utility of village woodlands to the residents and their common understanding of village woodlands seem to influence the likelihood of villagers' participation in conservation of village woodlands. In order to induce villagers' participation in the village woodland conservation, it is necessary to recognize the right of villager's access and provide villagers with common understanding of village woodlands through cultural activities and education programs.

Comparison of Complementary Forest of Village between Korea and China - Focuced on Jinan in Korea and Qingzhou in China - (한국과 중국의 마을비보숲 비교 - 한국(韓國) 진안(鎭安)과 중국(中國) 청주(靑州)를 사례로-)

  • Park, Jae-Chul;Gwan, Dan Dan;Jung, Kyoung-Sook
    • Journal of Korean Society of Rural Planning
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    • v.18 no.2
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    • pp.27-37
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    • 2012
  • The purpose of this study is on comparing complementary forest of village between Korea and China. For this, Jinan of Korea and Qingzhou of China were selected through the pre-survey about the representative region of both country. The main research method was literature study, field study and interview with local residents. The comparative analysis between two regions was performed by frequency analysis of surveyed data. Which shows complementary forest of village in two regions has so much in common and also has many differences which is related with the local practical life. As a result, it was identified that the area and remained number, concentration degree of Jinan were greater than those of Cheongju. But it was identified that the linear form and location were similar in both regions. Through these identification, it is helpful to establish policy direction of both countries about the complementary forest.

A Study on the Spatial Composition Characteristic in Rural Residential Area: A case of Hanbam Village (한밤마을을 통해본 농촌주거지의 공간구성 특성에 관한 연구)

  • 심근정;정응호
    • Journal of the Korean housing association
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    • v.13 no.3
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    • pp.61-69
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    • 2002
  • This research is to analyze the spatial organization of a traditional rural community and its characteristics, the case of Hanbam village located in the north of Daegu city. The conclusions of this study are as follows; 1. The difference between private space and public space in the residential area of Hanbam village is obvious, and these two spaces are organically related each other by means of road. These spaces have some spatial characteristics of organization, such as center, hierarchy and sequence. 2. The private space consists of a residence module and a farming area in the settlement, and it is clearly farmed by the firm fence of rocks and by surrounding roads. Fruit-bearing trees such as Pyrus pyrifolia, Cornus officinalis, Diospyros kaki, Juglans sinensis are planted at the boundary. And most of residences are composed of a building, a inner court and farming fields. 3. The public space for the community mainly functions as ‘a meeting place’for residents, and consists of recreational spaces, ceremonial spaces, community facilities, and social facilities. Among these, Jeong-ja(pavilion), Seong-an Soop(forest) and Dae-chong(building for common use) are of great cultural value as important traditional spaces. 4. Two kinds of road are commonly fecund in the village; spontaneously generated one and planned one. This is straight inner streets and access paths to the village, and that is curvilinear alleys which are connected to Dae-chong, the core of village. Also stone walls and climbing plants on them are major elements of village landscape.

Locations and Topographical Character of the MAEULSOOP in the Southwestern and the Eastern Region (마을숲의 분포 위치와 지형적 공간특성 유형화 방안 - 경북 의성, 전북 진안 및 전남 함평지역을 대상으로)

  • Kwon, Jino;Oh, Jeong-Hak;Lee, Jeong-Youn;Park, Chan-Ryul;Choi, Myoung-Sub
    • Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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    • v.11 no.4
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    • pp.85-93
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    • 2008
  • The MAEULSOOP, Korean traditional village groves have been installed and survived since 7th Century to serve local village dwellers as a community forest. The common sense of their reasons for being is related to the surroundings such as hills, waterways and wind-ways. To understand the roles in a local community, spatial characteristics of distribution, locations and shapes were tested at the two-characterized regions, the Southwestern Flat Region and the Eastern Hilly Region. Approximately more than 500 written evidences related to trees and forests were surveyed, for example village names, folk tales and lists of designated trees for protection. Twenty sites in each region were selected and tested for the spatial analysis. Aerial photographs, DEM and the ArcGIS with a modified AML for slope analysis are applied based on the criteria of the KLCIS(Kwon, 2002; 권진오, 2008). The major factors in the role of the MAEULSOOP based on the spatial character of two regions are; the array and locations of hills for encircling or exposure, locations against corridors and waterway or not, locations of the community to serve, the conservation of energy. Although locations and shapes of the MAEULSOOP are slightly different, it seems that one of the prime roles is what makes their everyday life difficult the most in the community.

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A Study on Users' Recognition of Selection Attributes for Connection between Recreational Forest and Rural Tourism Village (자연휴양림과 체험마을 연계를 위한 이용객의 선택속성 인식 연구)

  • Lee, Yong-hak;Cho, Yeong-Eun;Kang, Eun-jee;Kim, Yong-Geun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.44 no.1
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    • pp.16-28
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    • 2016
  • The study was conducted to compare and analyze the importance and performance of leisure destination selection attributes of persons who use recreational forests and rural tourism villages. This researcher investigated the use patterns of users to identify the ground for connection between recreational forest and rural tourism village, analyzed their recognition differences in physical selection attribute, program selection attribute, and service selection attribute in order for leisure destination selection, and conducted importance-performance analysis(IPA analysis) to draw a plan for connection. The main results and suggestions are presented as follows. First, recreational forests were visited by family users in order for rest and emotional cultivation and provided experience programs using simple public interest function of forest, whereas rural tourism villages were visited by family users, friends and co-workers, groups and club members to experience a variety of annual programs and understand regional cultures. It was found that it was necessary to connect natural forest with rural tourism village in order to meet the leisure needs of the people changed in diversified ways. Secondly, it was found that the connection between rural tourism village and recreational forest visited mainly for simple rest led to positive visit intention of users. It was expected that there will be various kinds of uses, including experience program participation, child education, and safe accommodations security. In other words, the connection between recreational forest and rural tourism village is an alternative to trigger actual demands and recreational forest activities with high quality. Thirdly, in the case of users of recreational forests, their performance of all selection attributes was lower than their importance of them. Therefore, overall improvements were needed. In particular, needed were the diversity, benefit, and promotion of programs, improvements in locality(themes), supply of lodges and convenient facilities, booking system, the purchase system of local special products, and professional skills of operators and managers. On contrary, the performance of program selection attribute of rural tourism village was high. Therefore, it was found that program attribute of rural tourism village was the main connection factor to activate recreational forest use. Fourthly, according to IPA analysis, the proper connections between loges, convenient facilities, and nearby touristattractions, which give high expectations and satisfaction to users, needed to remain. And it was required to make common efforts to accomplish the goal (income creation) of rural tourism village and improve booking system for visitors and performance of local special products sales opportunity. In addition, the essential factors to induce users' leisure destination selection were found to be maintenance of the use fee system of recreational forest, diversity of rural tourism village program, and retention of locality.

Study on the Origin of Stone Tower as a Component of Dangsan Forest - Focus on Village Shrine at Seoji-ri, Andong - (당산숲 구성요소인 돌탑의 기원 유래 고찰 - 안동 서지리 성황당 돌탑을 중심으로 -)

  • Choi, Jai-Ung;Kim, Dong-Yeob;Kwon, Jin-Ryang
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.28 no.3
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    • pp.98-104
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    • 2010
  • The objective of this study was to understand the origin and characteristics of stone tower's style through the study of the 'Village Shrine at Seoji-ri, Andong'. The three kinds of stone towers were located forming a line of 9m on the hill of a red pine forest along the stream in the village. Toward the direction looking at the village, the three-story stone located on left, the two-story stone located in the middle, and the common style stone tower located on right. The bottom part of the three-story stone was 2.5m in length, 1.8m in width, 1.3m in height. The bottom part of the two-story stone was 1.3m in length, 1.5m in width, 0.9m in height. The common style stone heap tower was 3.0m in diameter, 1.8m in height with a cone shape. The small hat-shaped stone was presumed to be the top part of a three-story stone. According to the three factors(heaven, earth, human) of the idea of the universe in Korea, most ancient remains have components of odd numbers. Then it had been substituted with smaller three-story stone(at present, two-story stone). And then altered to a common stone tower later, such as the 'Village Shrine at Seoji-ri, Andong' that shows the combination of the Bronze Age's megalithic and a folk religion. The 'Village Shrine at Seoji-ri, Andong' is a valuable relic that shows the stone towers, and is derived from the Bronze Age. The 'Village Shrine at Seoji-ri, Andong' shows that the 'Village Shrine at Seoji-ri, Andong' was embodied the three-factor(heaven, earth, human) idea of the universe in three-story stone of megalithic culture' remains.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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A Study on a God tree of Chosun Distorted in Chosun-Gersu-Nosu-Myungmok-Ji (조선거수노수명목지에 왜곡되어 있는 조선의 신목에 관한 고찰)

  • Park, Chan-Woo;Ahn, Chang-Ho;Kim, Se-Chang
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.108 no.3
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    • pp.372-381
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    • 2019
  • This study was conducted to find proof for the hypothesis that the God tree of Chosun has been misrepresented in Chosun-Gersu-Nosu-Myungmokji (CGNM). The following results were obtained. First, it was established that 64 species and 3170 trees were recorded in CGNM. An old, big tree is classified as a God tree if linked to it there are testimonies and legends about divine elements, and it is classified as a Noble tree if linked to it there are testimonies and legends of historical elements. In total, 2632 trees of eight species were analyzed, from the Zelkova serrata, which has the greatest number of trees, to the eighth most frequent, Abies holophylla. The means of diameter at breast height (DBH), height, and age of the God and the Noble trees were calculated for each of the eight species. In seven out of eight species, the DBH and age of the Noble tree were more than those of the God tree. In addition, the height of the Noble tree was more than that of the God tree in six out of eight species. The fact that the God tree is smaller than the Noble tree, contrary to the common expectation that the Noble tree is a small size tree, was confirmed. This hypothesis was proved by the data gathered. Second, the Japanese Government-General of Korea has pursued a policy to defeat the village ritual based on the God tree being linked with superstition. For such a policy, the God tree should be small and unattractive, and it would have been good for the tree to be superstitious. The CGNM was created as explanatory material or evidence for distorting the sacredness of the God tree of Chosun. Third, CGNM compiled a chronological order of DBH data to make it easy to explain the fabricated facts that the God tree of Chosun is smaller and dwarfed compared to the Noble tree.