• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.179-190
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• 2015

This study discusses on the influential factors of satisfaction in communication by focusing on the political communication phenomenon that is revealed in our society. The acts of political communication and its communication satisfaction are examined by exploring individuals' political inclination and their media usage which are the main influential factors of political communication. An interview survey was conducted on a thousand adults over the age of nineteen who are residing in sixteen cities and provinces nationwide. As a result, a high rate of online media usage was observed among people with progressive political inclination. It showed that the political communication acts of 'writing/communicating' which indicates ons actively posting their personal opinions, has a positive influence on communication satisfaction. On the other hand, the usage of offline media was dominant over people with conservative and neutral political inclination. A passive act of 'reading/watching,' which is to observe other people's opinions, was shown by most of the interviewees. Therefore, it was able to discuss that in order for a harmonious flow of political communication among our society, the understanding of citizens' political characteristic must be preceded and the differentiated political communication using media must be raised accordingly.

• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Design Studies Conference
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• 2005.05a
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• pp.314-315
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• 2005

• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Design Studies Conference
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• 2005.10a
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• pp.124-125
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• 2005

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.23
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• pp.241-260
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• 2005

This study is about literature of Gosan Yn Sun-do(孤山 尹善道) and his life that haunted Gang-ho(江湖) natures and political realities repeatedly, Especially, it considers what aspect of cognition he had about two realities, Gang-ho(江湖) and the Imperial Court(朝廷) and how it throws image on his works. And through these, it is examined what his viewpoint of literature is. First of all, through a memorial to the Throne that put him in first political trial, we can know that he was so strict that he didn't compromise with political realities and at the same time, he has a strong political inclination hidden behind his character. These two aspects are reflected on his works as his confrontation will and his agony between the two realities two realities. And through analysing the contents of <金鎖洞記> tt recollect landscapes of 金鎖洞 where Yun Sun-do mostly stayed, it can be found that his total viewpoints of nature is complacency. This complacency including the satisfaction of Gang-ho life and his ethics is intactly reflected on his works. Finally, it is clearly revealed that he tried to embody the principle of nature and ethics in his literary works and his reference to the literary as well.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.291-315
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• 2016

This paper analyzed experientially political conducts of the political players on privitization of healthcare service and public healthcare sercive aftrer the democratization in order to determine the influence of democracy on the development of a welfare state. For this purpose, the contents of the major daily newspaper reports from 1993 to 2012 were analyzed. As a result of such analysis, it was found that the political parties did not drive the policy even after the democratization reflecting the demands of the people, political parties had a strong conservative stance and did not show a consistent ideological inclination in their policies. Second, even though the role of the civic movement in the public healthcare service issue became larger after the democratization, policy decisions were driven by the government in an authoritative manner. In addition, the degree of contribution by the civic movements to the development of public healthcare service did not offset the influence of the president and the finance ministry on the development of privatization. Third, both the development of public healthcare service and privatization progressed simultaneously under the Kim Dae Jung, Rho Mu Hyun and Lee Myung Bak administrations after the democratization and it is thus difficult to argue that the qualitative nature as a welfare state was changed after the democratization. However, the degree of development as a welfare state differed depending on the ideological inclination of the presidents, the capacity of the welfare ministry and the ministry that drove the privatization.

• Journal of East-Asian Urban History
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.65-85
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• 2020

Examining how the CCP operated social services in Shanghai neighborhood[linong] in early 1950s, this article reveals the hidden relation between social service and rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954. One of the main purpose of 1954 rectification was to guarantee provision of grassroots level of the city by recruiting local cadres, the implementers of social services. Though series of social service, such as night patrol, cleaning and public charity were indispensable for residents' life and welfare(fuli)[福利] of neighborhood, the social services was the something most of the Shanghai residents were reluctant to do. The result was the shortage of human resource for social service, triggering the "nominal position(gua ming)[掛名] " phenomenon. During political rectification of neighborhood organizations in 1954 Shanghai Municipal government tried to solve this 'decline of human resource in social services' problem by attracting the unemployed to the position of basic level cadre. To be specific, it demanded jobless person in neighborhood to be registered in time if they want a job placement. And it used that registration as the nominee of cadre in re-election process of the rectification campaign. The government measures were closely related to Shanghai people's inclination to rely on party-state when they try to get a job. Hence political rectification in neighborhood organizations become the strategic tool of city governance to mobilize residents in operating social services. So this article suggests that the CCP's urban governance was a complex and nuanced process to induce urban residents' interest and voluntarism beyond the suppression-oriented totalitarian perspective.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.87-108
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• 2013

With questionnaires conducted for 613 adult Koreans in Seoul, the present study examined how their social features (income level, political party identification, political values, values of capitalism and egalitarianism) exercise influence on attitudes toward income polarization and their evaluation of government policies. Two groups of participants (high vs. low) for each social feature were formed first. Then their attitudes toward income polarization (liberal vs. conservative) and evaluations of policies (liberal vs. conservative) exercised by government (Participatory vs. Practical) were compared. Results indicated that liberal value was strengthened by liberal value, anti-capitalistic, and conservative value was strengthened by egalitarian values, and party identification. It was also found that party identification partial effect on the judgment of policies exercised by Participatory Government. These findings were discussed in terms of their implications for Korean society and measures for communication constructive for settlement of income polarization were suggested.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.16 no.5
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• pp.106-113
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• 2012

This study intend to research color preferences about innerwear(specially brassiere) and draw a comparison of color preference's differences among the Korea, China and Hong Kong. The subjects of study are female students of universities in Korea, China and Hong Kong. The data analysis was done with the statistical treatment in SPSS 14.0, and the results are as follows. Female students of universities in Korea, China and Hong Kong are distinguished from wearing color and preference color of innerwear. Korea and China female students prefer skin color to the other color but most of Hong Kong female students prefer black color. In case of red color, Korea female students don't select a red color as a preference color but even if some students select a red color, China and Hong Kong females prefer a red color. The traditional color opinions of Korea, China and Hong Kong are the same as a Yin-Yang School. But these days they have different color opinions because of cultural, political and ideological elements. Korea females like skin and white colors because these colors don't appear on the outwear surface. Korean have an inclination toward conservatism and use the color according to ideological and deceptive orders of the Confucianism. Hong Kong have a different color preference from China because they have chances of receiving the other cultures for example United Kingdom, Japan and so on.

• International Journal of Knowledge Content Development & Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.65-82
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• 2020

This study examined information sharing and evaluation as determinants of the spread of fake news among Nigerian youths on social media using experience from COVID-19 pandemic. A descriptive survey design was adopted for the study and a Web-based questionnaire (Google Forms) was used to collect data for the study. The total responses of 278 were collected from the participants, which represents the unit of analysis. The finding of the study revealed that most Nigerian youths used Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp and Instagram to share information on COVID-19. However, only a few Nigerians used Linkedln and other types of social media to share information on COVID-19. It was also found that building a relationship with social media communities, enjoyment and risk taking, and political inclination influence the sharing behavior of Nigerian youths during the COVID-19 pandemic. Results show that social media handle/page found sharing of fake news on COVID-19 especially on the treatment, vaccines numbers of cases and symptoms. The study concludes that there is a positive relationship between information evaluation and the spreading of fake news on COVID-19 among Nigerians. Information sharing and evaluation should be done with the utmost level of objectivity and sincerity.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.113-134
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• 2007

This study investigated body-related values, body-esteem, and the relationship between them based on the survey data drawn from female college students in three East Asian countries(Korea, Japan, and China). 168 Korean, 108 Chinese, and 152 Japanese female college students responded to questions designed to measure four sorts of body values (operability, inclination, locus of evaluation, and social utility) and four dimensions of body esteem (appearance, weight, health, overall). The results showed that body-related values and body-esteem differ among three countries. Japanese showed the highest acceptance level for the voluntary body alteration(operability), while chinese scored the lowest. Inclination to body appearance over health was higher in Korean than in Japanese and in Chinese. Korean also evaluated the importance of body appearance and its social utility the highest, followed by Japanese and Chinese. There were dramatic differences in body esteem between Korean and Japanese. Regarding body-esteem, Korean showed the highest appearance-esteem, but the health-esteem was the lowest. On the contrary, Japanese showed the highest health-esteem, but the appearance-esteem was lowest. Chinese showed the highest weight-esteem. Four sorts of body values showed significant correlations with appearance-esteem and weight-esteem, respectively but not with health-esteem. Overall, the result supported the prediction that different political, social, and economic backdrops in three countries would be related with different body-related values and body esteem in the female college students.