• Korean Security Journal
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• no.37
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• pp.325-354
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• 2013

The concept of national security and the fundamental system for crisis management have departed from traditional methods and the importance of a national critical infrastructure crisis management has been emphasized. A national critical infrastructure crisis means a situation where human resource, material and functional system that may have a material effect on the critical functions of the government, the vitality and integrity of society, national economy and the safety of the public becomes disabled due to causes such as terrorism or major disasters. Although North Korea had been subject to numerous rounds of negotiations and sanctions as it continually developed nuclear weapons since the 1960s, it has also showed off its nuclear armaments through successful nuclear testings and missile launches. As the development and threat of North Korea's weapons of mass destruction becomes more noticeable and the range of its risk expands, this study focuses on the potential for an absence of leadership for national crisis management where the country's leadership, which should serve the critical role and function of handling national crises, becomes completely destroyed by the unexpected initial attacks by North Korea. As a result, the purpose of this study is to propose safety measures for the country's leadership in preparation for North Korea's threat of nuclear weapons by examining the concept and degree of risk of weapons of mass destruction with a focus on nuclear weapons, analyzing the substance of the threat of North Korean nuclear weapons and evaluating such threat. In conclusion, first, to ensure the normal functioning of a national crisis management system in the event of a national crisis, we must seek safety measures that conform to the scope and succession order of the leadership of the national crisis management for an Enduring Constitutional Government (ECG) and the Continuity Of Operations (COOP). Second, in the event of a national ceremony, the gathering of the country's leadership all together in an open place should be avoided. In unavoidable circumstances, the next in rank that will act on behalf of the current leader should be designated and relevant safety measures should be taken. Third, during time of peace, in preparation for national crises, the scope of protection for the country's leadership should be prescribed and specific security and safety measures should be implemented. Fourth, the succession order for acting president in the case of the death of the president pursuant to Articles 71 and 26(1) of the National Government Organization Act should reconsidered to see whether it is a reasonable provision that takes into consideration a national crisis management that corresponds to the threat of North Korean nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction. Pursuant to the Basic Guidelines for National Crisis Management set out under Presidential Directive No. 229, the Korean government is currently operating a case-by-case "crisis management standard manual" and its sub-manuals and has also prepared the Presidential Security Service's security and safety measure regulations regarding the acting president. Therefore, the Korean government should actualize the above points in the case-by-case crisis management standard manual and security and safety measure regulations regarding the acting president to implement and legislate them.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.375-384
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• 2010

We tried to establish the history of outbreaks and control methods of 'hwangchung' in Joseon Dynasty, uncovering the biological reality of the 'hwangchung' (called hwang or bihwang) analyzed through the Database program on 'the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty' and 'the Emollment of Haegoeje', two of the finest examples of classical historical records. The total number of articles on the outbreak of the hwangchung is 261 in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty and 65 in the Emollment of Haegoeje. There were four peaks by hwangchung throughout the Joseon Era. Among them, the periods of King Taejo to King Sejong had the highest incidence. By comparing the number of records of the hwangchung from the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty with that in the Emollment of Haegoeje during the same period, results show the former was less than the latter, 35 vs 65. However, both records were relatively inconsistent with each other. Insect pests in forests as well as in agriculture were included in the biological identities of the hwangchung in the Joseon Dynasty periods, which is in accordance with those of Saigo's. The taxonomic identity could be confirmed in only 25 cases (9.5%) among the articles on hwangchung. It largely coincided with Paik's opinion: II in armyworm, nine in moth larva, one in rice stem borer, two in migratory locust, one in planthopper and one in rice-plant weevil. Therefore, it is not reasonable to regard hwangchung as a migratory locust or grasshopper only. The number of reports on the occurrence of hwangchung in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty was 173 (66% of the total) and 47% of them were just simple reports, which means the report itself on the appearance of hwangchung was very significant. The reports on controlling insect pests were of low frequency, in 20% (34 cases) of the total reports, capturing insect pests or holding traditional ceremony called 'Poje'. Among them, only one case related to the treatment of seeds to prevent the damage by hwangchung was published in the King Sejong period. There were 37 discussions about changes and management of government policies due to disasters by hwangchung. They were mostly about relief or tax cut to the people who suffered damage and about cancellation of recruiting people to military training, constructing castles, and so on. It seems that not only the people but also the king was influenced by the hwangchung. In the case of King Seongjong, he referred to the stress of the prevention measure of locusts in 10 articles. The damage also had an effect on abdication in the reign of King Jeongjong.

• Plant Journal
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.47-53
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• 2014

The national capacity of electricity of Korea was 81,737 MW and the peak demand was renewed by the record of 71,230 MW in 2012 which has been increasing since the first lighting ceremony had taken place in the Royal Palace(Kyung-Bok Goong) in 1887. Aa the counteract on the rapid increasing of the demand, Korean government is constructing and operating the high capacity nuclear and thermal power plants, however, the operating reserve on weekdays is small while those of weekends are more than 40% of capacity, so they are providing the pumped-storage power plants with the surplus electricity during weekends and operating the power plants which cost higher production price and located in the capital area with WSS (Weekly Start and Stop) mode including the Seoul Thermal Power Plant. Since the Seoul Thermal Power Plant is spending huge amount of expenses for more than 30 times of the WSS annually due to the high production cost even though it is in Seoul, the core of the demand, I chose the power plant unit #5 which was on the grid in 1969 for the case to confirm reducing 23% of the warm start-up time by applying the "Start-up time management program", and that reducing 35% of the water temperature increasing time by accelerate the increasing rate of the inlet temperature of the water circulating pump.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.97-128
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• 2016

According to the findings of the study, the music composition of the mask play is deeply related to the main characteristics of the scene. The first scene of the play starts with the Byeoksa dance. This particular dance part represents the evil spirit expel ritual. The instrumental accompaniment like and are played for the dance. The last part of the play starts with the Halmi and Yeonggam scene. This scene is played in both the instrumental and vocal music. For the instrumental part , for the vocal part and songs are played. and songs are played on the part of the Halmi's funeral ceremony scene. The instrumental and are played in various scenes for the accompaniment of the dance part. The musical structure of the mask play is flexible. This kind of flexibility of scene structure mainly concerned with the way of musical composition. The main structure of the mask play can be classified into two main styles according to the allocation of the vocal music. In first style, the vocal music is evenly dispersed. In second style, the vocal parts are concentrated in the rear section. As I mentioned earlier, no logical association is found in the matter of the scene arrangement. A scene arrangement has a deep connection with the arrangement of the music in each scene. In conclusion, the mixed arrangement of the scene in mask play is mainly concerned with the matter of the music arrangement in order to maintain the tension of the drama.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.35
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• pp.28-56
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• 2002

There is no definite theory, which archeologists have believed to be built either for the protection or ceremonial purpose, of enclosure historical site exhibited from Bronze Age to Samhan era in Korea. The main conditions of choosing right enclosure were natural levee-backswamp-plateau, which all found in village on a hill. For this reasons Kimhae Daesoeng-dong enclosure discovered in 2001 is not an exception, and therefore this enclosure has been believed to be a beginning point of the farming society. In Korea there have been 2 types of enclosure. One is that enclosure entirely surrounds whole historic site itself and the other is that enclosure partially does. Although Kimhae Daesoeng-dong historic site has been discovered only part of it, it's not believed to have the first type-which surrounds the whole enclosure historic site In this research, 3 developing steps of enclosure historic site were defined. Enclosure surrounds only a part of the historic site is 1st step. Enclosure surrounds all around the site is 2nd step. The site discovered with big round clay pottery and developed into multiple enclosure is 3rd step. Since some researches have not been accomplished, the hypothesis above was suggested to have a better understanding of the development of enclosure historic site. The purpose of enclosure has been separately explained for the protection or for the ceremony. It is difficult to assert that excavation sites could be applied to only one of two purposes. But it is possible that both purposes of enclosure such as protection and as division from ceremonial area could be applied together. Kimhae Daesoeng-dong enclosure was shown for the purpose of division from ceremonial area. But we can not ignore that since Kimhae Daesoeng-dong enclosure exposed to the Sea and dwelling area was not shown from village hill, it would be probably for the protection. However enclosure of Gujibong village area in Daesoeng-dong had used for ceremonial purpose since the Bronze Age, even this enclosure would be possible to play an important role of being a center of legend of Gaya foundation. Many unsolved questions are still lying ahead. The enclosure was used for a short time, even if dwelling area was found in and out of enclosure, there were no differences between them, and although duplicate and triplicate enclosure were found, we could not sure which were before and after. Also we could not confirm the type of enclosure with location condition which was the flat land or the top of hill on floodplain. We should not divide the types of enclosure historic site due to differences from cross section of stratum. And I expect that we will have much data such as distribution of enclosure historic site in Yeongnam area where is concerned with origin and diffusion of Japan and China.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.223-284
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• 2005

Gwaebul, created during late Joseon dynasty, especially from 1885 to 1926, now exist 18 ones. And 12 of them are owned by Buddhist temples located in Seoul city and Gyeonggido province. Royal Tomb praised and Royal household praised Buddhist temples in early Joseon dynasty were supported by Royal Family. As a renovation of Buddhist temples by king Taejong's reign(1400-1418), they became impoverished with reduced Buddhist ceremony. But they maintained their lives in intimate connection with royal family, and went prosperous from late 18th century. At that times, a new trend in Gwaebul appeared, which have popular idea for wishing peace of the dead, the nation and the royal family. The new composition of painting expressed in Gwaebul starts in Amitabha-Triad paintings which carved in first volume of ${\ll}$Amita-yohaegyeong${\gg}$ made of wooden plate. And Gi-heoh(A.D. 1820-1872) carved it in 1853 at Naewonam Buddhist hermitage of Samgaksan mountain And a return of Suwolgwaneumdo which had been popularized in late Goryo dynasty is worth noticing as a new issue of late Joseon dynasty. It is related with a composition of Gwaebul that expressed 'a leading the dead to the good', a Buddhist consciousness of falsehood and fancy. The saturated and blurred style of painting, the fact that centralization-powered lineage of painter who used composition of multi-used basic pattern, are characteristics of this period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.35
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• pp.284-303
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• 2002

The purpose of this research paper is to examine, from an ethnological viewpoint, the traditional practice of using sacrificial game and domestic livestock as is often seen at communal rites in Korea. This paper also examine how the more convenient use of livestock sacrifice developed from that in which wild game were once offered, and how this change in the type of animals used affected the significance of the sacrifice. It also looks at how the use of animal sacrifice for ceremonies eventually influenced the practice of meat consumption on the part of the participants in their daily life, and how it contributed to the eventual establishment and development of livestock breeding for the purpose of meat consumption. The practice of catching wild game in the mountains for sacrificial purposes eventually gave way to the use of pasturage cattle, but it should be understood that these domesticated livestock were raised primarily for ceremonial rather than meat consumption purpose. When used for sacrifice, these cattle were not castrated, as is normally done when they are slaughtered for meat consumption, but it should not be assumed that this was done for purposes of simplification. In addition, not only rice farmers but also when enterpreneurs set up a new enterprise, animal sacrifice was viewed not only as a form of on-site purification of evil, but also served the dual purpose of enhancing their business through the traditional custom of serving meat to those invited guests in attendance. In the large-scale village communal rite of Hwaghae Province located in the northwestern part of Korea, animal sacrifice was carried out in the ritual for the Mountain God in a highly dramatic style, and suggests that it originated with the agrarian rites of the "fire-field" farmers of East Asia, which were utilized to foretell whether the coming year would be one of abundance or famine, and to the royal ceremony held on the 3rd day of the 3rd month of the lunar calendar, as well as that held for the God of the Mountains and Streams. The dramatic-style hunting rite, included in the large-scale communal ritual of Hwanghae Province mentioned previously, as well as in the Ritual of the Cow from Pyungsan, also located in Hwanghae Province, in which wild game were used as sacrifice, is significant in that it points up the changes that have occurred in ceremonial animal sacrifice. However, more research on ritualistic animal sacrifice is still called for in rites for good farming, fishing, and the variety of others that are held throughout Korea.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.287-338
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• 2017

Gojong' Birth Anniversary Memorial Banquet in the 1910s was forced to be performed differently from the performance style in Joseon Dynasty period that featured a harmonious majestic beauty of etiquette music. The banquet was separated into three different sessions of ceremony, luncheon and performance', which clearly revealed a distinctive pattern of etiquette music. The performance was accompanied by the dinner party or was lightly implemented as part of evening entertainment. With the use of the term entertainment, the performances belonging to this category fell into nothing but something to enjoy, amusement, fun and play. The contents of such performances were not closely woven into the fabric of the entire banquet but were individualized and scattered in a way of putting the performances in a state of flux in line with the circumstances. Therefore, it became increasingly hard to expect a high degree of completion and solid structure of performances. The items of performance included western music, popular vocal music, popular instrumental music, magic, and film, which were not played in traditional court banquet in the presence of Gojong rather than traditional music and dance performed in court. In other words, the court performance could not maintain its traditional heritage but was transformed into a mixture of popular performance and new forms of art. It was driven by the Japanese imperialism toward the atmosphere of entertainment in oblivion of tradition but not toward the external extension of court performances.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.267-298
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• 2020

The purpose of the paper is to analyze the developmental background and practical approaches to the arts of the Dao (道術 dosul) in Daesoon Jinrihoe (大巡真理會) by tracing this concept back to its source and comparing and contrasting Daesoon Jinrihoe's usage of 'arts of the Dao' with the usage found in traditional Daoism. The paper is divided into a preface, conclusion, and two body sections. Especially significant discoveries appear in the second and third sections. In the second section, the Daoist concept of Alterable and Unalterable Degree Numbers (運度定數 yundudingshu, 'degree numbers' suggesting 'fate' or 'destiny') allows for a comparison between the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth (天地公事 cheonjigongsa) from Daesoon Jinrihoe's The Canonical Scripture (典經 jeon-gyeong) and the Opening of Calamities to Save Humanity (開劫度人 kaijieduren) in Daoism. Here discourse can be provided regarding the cause of calamities (劫 'jie' in Chinese and 'geop' in Sino-Korean). Additionally examined are the deep grievances between divine beings and humans and the cosmic cycles of growth and decay as both of these relate to the reason for calamities. As for the resolving of calamities, there are two differing perspectives proposed by Daesoon Jinrihoe and traditional Daoism. Daesoon Jinrihoe believes that Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山) led changes and renewal through the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth. In this context, clergy and laity play roles as assistants. However, Daoism emphasizes gaining merit from the recitation of scriptures and the collective participation of immortals rather than relying completely upon divine intervention from the Celestial Worthy of the Primordial State (元始天尊 yuanshi tianzun). In the third section, 'The Origin and Application of the Arts of the Dao (道術 daoshu),' analysis is provided regarding the origin and connotation of five directional generals (五方將 wufangjiang), the twenty-four generals (二十四將 ershijiang), the twenty-eight generals (二十八將 ershibajiang), and the forty-eight generals (四十八將 sishibajiang). Likewise examined is the relationship between the arts of the Dao in The Canonical Scripture and Thunder Rites in the Shen Xiao Lineage (道教神霄雷法 daojiao shenxiao leifa) of Daoism. Lastly, some points are made about the operation of two ceremonies: The Ceremony of Transformation and Pacing (遁甲步罡儀式 dunjiabugangyishi) and Divination through the Formula Disc of the Six Ren Gods (六壬式盤占卜 liuren shipanzhanbu).

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.739-751
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• 2015

This study investigated the table settings used in Bul-chun-wi sacrificial rituals in Sangju, Gyeongpook Province. This study took place from May 2014 to April 2015 and incorporated field research and literature review. The subjects of the study were Sojae jongga (family head), Wolgan jongga, Ubook jongga and Ipjae jongga. There were four rows in the table setting of the Wolgan, whereas there were five rows in the other jonggas. In row 5, there were fruits, seeds and confections. In row 4, there were vegetables. In row 3, there was tang (stew); in row 2, juk (steamed meats or fishes) and pyun (rice cake); and in row 1, meh (boiled rice), geng (soup) and myun (noodles). The common food setting was arranged in the order of meh, geng, myun, ganjang (Korean soy sauce), poh (dried meat/fish), chimchae (water kimchi), dates, chestnuts, pears, persimmons, walnuts, bracken, bellflowers, croaker, pyun, and ssam (rice wrapped in lettuce leaves). Ubook jongga had the most number of stews at seven. Sojae and Ipjae jongga each had five stews, and Wolgan jongga had three. The smaller Wolgan jongga had gehjuk (boiled chicken), uhjuk (steamed fish) and yookjuk (boiled meat) arranged in a neat pile on one dish used for rituals, whereas Ubook jongga had gehjuk, uhjuk and yookjuk arranged separately. Sojae and Ipjae jongga had gehjuk arranged separately while yookjuk and uhjuk were arranged as dojuk (gehjuk, uhjuk, yookjuk). The uhjuk was arranged separately. In Wolgan jongga, po was arranged on the right while in the other jonggas, it was arranged to the left. For raw meat Ubook jongga, raw mackerel; Ipjae jongga, raw croaker, and Sojae jongga Yukhoe (beef tartare) were set. However, pork, chicken and croaker were cooked. Other ritual food were used in seasoning and boiling. In the geng Wolgan and Ipjae jongga used miyeokguk (seawood soup), whereas Sojae and Ubook jongga used tangguk (meat soup with vegetables). For the ritual food, most jongga ordered yoogwa, yakgwa and bonpyun as one part, rice cakes (steamed rice cake, glutinous rice cake, jeungpyun, gyungdan), and jehju (alcohol). The other ritual food was prepared on the day by jongga.