• (The)Korea Educational Review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.57-81
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to summarise the educational meanings of Official Foreign Language Schools(hereafter, OFLS) in Korea, 1895-1906. Especially, I try to find out the foreign language policy of the Joseon Dynasty and the comparative superiority between six foreign language schools - Japanese School, English School, French School, Russian School, Chinese School, and German School - through the traits of teachers and the change of students numbers at the Regulation Period. As a part of Kabo Reforms, the government had abolished the of Civil Service Examination System and status system, and foreign languages worked as a cultural capital to acquire modern civilization and to escalate one's social status. The results were as follows: Firstly, the OFLS have to be regarded as one of the highest educational institute during the Regulation Period. The eligibility of the OFLS was over 15 years old, but most of the incoming students were over 20 years old. Secondly, many of the OFLS's teachers were specialists of military, diplomat and mechanics. Especially, Martel, the teacher of French school played an important role for the neutral diplomacy policy of the Great Korean(Dae-Han) Empire during the Regulation Period. Thirdly, the recruit of new members of the OFLS was affected by the political and social circumstances at that time. Fourthly, the statistics of incoming students during the Regulation Period was concentrated on Chinese school, French school, and English school in due order. Thus, it differed from the commonly accepted ideas of students' statistics which was concentrated on English School and Japanese School. Fifthly, the OFLS were not only for the training of official interpreters(譯官通事), but also the cultivation of civil servants who could become statesman.

• Journal of Practical Agriculture & Fisheries Research
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.13-26
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• 2021

This study was conducted to identify various types of activities of payment contract for ecosystem services. As supporting services, 12 types of activities were derived: fallow, eco-friendly crop cultivation, shelter creation management, etc. As regulating services, 5 types of activities were derived: stream environment purification, creation and management of riparian vegetation, creation and management of forests for responding to climate change, etc. As cultural services, five types of activities were derived: creation and management of landscape forests, creation and management of ecological trails, managing ecosystem conservation, etc.

• 지역과문화
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.153-182
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• 2020

Andong is the place where the most ginger is produced in Korea. The article is based on a study on the development of storytelling of a co-brand of local agricultural products, focusing on the case of 'The Geudae Ginger,' a co-brand of ginger in Andong. This study aims to develop a brand storytelling of Andong Ginger's co-branded 'Geudae Ginger' to build an image as a local specialty and help revitalize the Andong ginger's industry. The process of developing storytelling to activate 'Geudae Ginger' brand is as follows. In the first step, I collected storytelling materials through data research. Ginger, which has long been used as a medicine for mankind, has more historical and cultural stories than anything else. In the second step, story resources were extracted based on data research. By analyzing the story properties of Andong ginger, we made its list. As a result, the image of the nobility, rigidity and chastity of ginger, which is used to benefit all over, could be associated with the image of Andong, the capital of Korean spiritual culture. Storytelling was developed in the third step. The main theme was 'Andong ginger with anther level ' and the main story was 'The Story of Andong's Ginger Teacher'. The scenario developed is as follows: 1. Introducing Andong's Ginger Teacher, 2. The birth of Dosan Thirteen Tea, 3. 'Geudae Ginger' that bridges love. In the last fourth step, I proposed ways to utilize storytelling. I presented the spread methods of consumer-participated storytelling using images of 'Geudae Ginger' and a new-tro event with teachers highlighting the image of 'Ginger Teacher' and others as a local business program for storytelling expansion.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.395-420
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• 2009

Academic discourses on Swahili identity have been focused on either its Bantu or Arabic-originated theories. Both theories, nevertheless, have a common feature: a unilineal origin of Swahili identity. This paper questions on this Swahili identity and argues that Swahili identity has been developed through historical experience and discourses. For this, the paper utilizes Barth's theory of situationalism. Barth(1998(1969)) suggests that maintaining an ethnic identity is a personal or group choice out of multiple layers of social identities according to his or their social environments. Tanzanian Swahili identity is a good case for this analysis. Based on fieldwork conducted at Magomeni and Msasani in Dar es Salaam, a capital of Tanzania, the paper shows that residents in both areas hold strong Swahili identities although they have different social and historical experience. In case of Magomeni, most of the residents came from Zanzibar, a core Swahili cultural area. They trace their original genealogy from Arabia peninsular. Besides, they argue that they speak a proper kiSwahili(Swahili language) distinguishable from inland kiSwahili. On the contrary, residents of Msasani show variety of ethnic identities, far from a proper Swahili. They have adapted Swahili identities since the independence of Tanzania. With the help of strong socialist policies, including a language policy, most of Tanzanian ethnic groups have ignored their own identities and accommodated a national identity, Tanzanian(waTanzania) or Swahili people(waSwahili). Makonde immigrants from Mozambique who consists the majority of residents in Msasani also easily accommodate Swahili identity in the course. Therefore, Makonde have began to rebirth as waSwahili by claiming that they are living in Tanzania and speak kiSwahili as a mother tongue.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.44-64
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• 2017

From the field survey of the main ethnic minority areas in the south China, it is found that political, economic, cultural and natural environmental changes are the main reasons leading to the change of customary law. The power mechanism of the customary law change include the three aspects, such as the promotion of country elite, the dominance of grassroots government, and the daily demands of the villagers, which promote the change of customary law alone or together. Through the application of customary law, the country elites can adjust and refine the rules of customary law in order to make out the new customary law and promote its development. In the current pattern of rural governance, grassroots self-government is actually the "official supervision of people's autonomy". The executive power of the grassroots government often intervene the practice of customary law and other informal rules. This is another mechanism of customary law change. Customary law arises from the practice of the daily life of the villagers. If the villagers think that the norms of customary law cannot meet the actual needs of daily life practice, the customary law will be promoted in the form of collective consultation. This is the most important dynamic practice mechanism of customary law change. Transformation and abandonment are the two ways to change customary law. No matter what kind of change does not lead to the demise of the customary law system, the demise of the customary law is only an outdated result, which is made by the universality, nature and objectivity of customary law. The procedure of customary law change is the process of continuation and rebirth about customary law. The result of the change is to produce the new customary law of keeping pace with the times, and the customary law will be presented with new content and form after the change. The continuation of customary law means the inheritance of traditional customary law, but it is based on the transformation of traditional customary law. The rebirth of customary law means that the traditional customary law is completely discarded. But it will produce new customary law rules and be based on the needs of social life practice. Customary law occupies a pivotal position in the normative system and the national law cannot be replaced. The purpose of customary law change will let the customary rules better adapt to the development of modern society, adjust the social relations more reasonably and better meet people's needs of production and life, which is decided by the character of customary law.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.48
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• pp.407-443
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• 2024

The relationship between finance, natural disasters and epidemics, the Liang Province Rebellion of mostly Qiang ethnic groups, and the occurrence of displaced persons in the Later Han Dynasty, is examined in this article. Also explored is the financial crisis that had started accumulating in the Later Han Dynasty, as well as the Yellow Turban Rebellion and the displacement of the people. It is argued in this research that the financial crisis had an influence on the occurrence. The Yellow Turban Rebellion began in 184, seventeenth year of Lingdi's reign. The rebellion was an incident that occurred due to a complex combination of natural calamities and man-made disasters. Various natural disasters during the Lingdi period, poor measures for immigration, and Lingdi's refusal to accept Yangci and Liu Tao's advice that the immigrants should return home were the direct causes of the Yellow Turban Rebellion. In short, the increase in military spending due to natural disasters and the Liang Province Rebellion caused financial deterioration were the direct causes of the Yellow turban rebellion. The Yellow Turban Rebellion was suppressed in less than a year. Therefore, the Yellow Turban Rebellion itself was not the cause of the collapse of the Later Han Dynasty. It was rather case that the great fire in South Palace in Luoyang, the capital of Later Han Dynasty, in 185, the increase in taxes of 10 qian per mu (畝) to rebuild the palace, the open and compulsory encouragement of the trafficking of official posts, and the exploitation of civil servants, which destabilized the population. Thereupon, rebellions broke out among the people in various places. Therefore, unlike the Yellow Turban Rebellion, the collapse of the Later Han Dynasty should be viewed as primarily the result of man-made calamities rather than natural disasters.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.78-88
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• 2015

In the 1920s, the period of cultural governance ruled by Japan, the diverse media were founded and various events were conducted to boost circulation. Under the Japanese colonial period in 1920s, a number of media - newspapers and magazines - were published and often they carried out entertaining events in order to obtain more subscribers. A hobby magazine, Samchunri, for instace, set up a media event to selecting Korea's eight beautiful scenary (Bandopalgyong) for the first edition in 1929. The paper aims to analyse and understand the perception of landscape in 1929 through the media event carried out by Samchunri. In particular, the selection was made by well-known writers within Japanese colonial period 1910 - 1945). The selection process and views from the writers on landscape were analysed; firstly, the selection of Bandopalgyong was carried out by questionnaires to writers in 1929 where Korea is under Japanese colonial rules. The conditions of the selection were unknown; however, the purpose was enlightening the people specially the youngs and introduction of beautiful places in Korea. As a result, views and opinions on Bandopalgyong by the writers were progressed. Secondly, within the Bandopalgyong, the natural landscape areas include Gumgansan(金剛山), Daedonggang(大洞江), Buyeo(扶餘), Gyongju(慶州), Myongsasipri (明沙十里), Haundae(海雲臺), Baekdusan(白頭山), and Choksukru(矗石樓). Those chosen places were not cohesive nor did not have any consistant reasons to be chosen in terms of size and location; however, some writers claimed that there were other places to match the chosen ones and therefore, the selection process was highly dependent on access (i.e. transport). Thirdly, the travelogue on Baekdusan and Nackwhaam(洛花岩) illustrated interesting views on landscape in particular. Baekdusan landscape were described in overlaping with long history and national soul. In the Nackwhaam travelogue, it described 'Buyeo (夫餘) was an ancient capital of Backjae Dynasty and empty place' as well as denying Chosun Dynasty. It was assumed that the two places weren't visited but rewritten with existing literatures. Fourthly, edited by Kim Dong Whan, a travelogue style book, 'Bandosanha' was published in 1941. It did repeat the selection of Bandopalgyong, but this time, it was classified the eight beautiful landscape into two categories; historic/cultural places and natural landscape. This paper was able to analyse and understand the perception of landscape in 1929 through the travelogue of Samchunri. It is an empirical study on the process and perception on Korea landscape under Japanese colonical period by views of the selected writers.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.2
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• pp.80-98
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• 2008

In the past, the purpose of urban landscape planning was to beautify cities. Now, that is changing as cities with their own characteristic identities and images are focusing on the making of livable cities. The subject of international competition is turning from a country objective to that of individual cities. To increase the attraction of the urban image will, therefore, be the most important and urgent policy in all cities. A city without global competitiveness will be demoted to a sub-city. This study intends to suggest strategic ways to improve the urban image suitable for Korean cities by the analysis and classification of the advanced cases in other countries. This study can be summarized as follows: 1. The image of cities is promoted by diverse strategies such as establishing landmarks, making meaningful places, hosting festivals and sports events, and making cultural policies. These strategies can be classified by three factors: the landscape and ecological factor, the historical and cultural factor, and the administrative and economic factor. 2. Korean cities are making efforts to promote their images through a variety of ways. Mega cities in Korea are steadily carrying out projects to use the administrative and economic factor such as expanding the infrastructure, supporting enterprises, advertising and marketing with accumulated capital. However, local small cities mainly depend on festivals and simple events or programs that are of interest but which lack characteristic identity. 3. Cities of advanced western countries are upgrading their images by finding and applying strategic methods to reflect characteristic identity and to keep in step with the changes of the times. On the other hand, cities in Japan try to promote urban image with traditional native festivals and with the making of livable places based on resident participation. The central government in Korea needs to establish a master plan considering the regional balance to improve the image of each city. Local governments should carry out these diverse strategic methods. The task after benchmarking advanced cities with beautiful landscapes will be to find an 'All-Korean Style' and apply it to cities with characteristic image.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.43
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• pp.47-75
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• 2016

This study has analyzed the history of the subcontract animation in Korea that began with Golden Bat of TBC Animation Division in 1966 to 1980s and shed the light on the history of subcontract animation that has been processed over 30 years in Korean animation. For this purpose, through the outlined status of subcontract animation, such as, production company, production status, scale of industry and so forth, the status of the OEM industry then has been checked and it links the solidified background of animation into subcontract production industry with the situation in time for analysis. In addition, on the basis of the foregoing, it is intended to broaden the horizon of the history of animation through the analysis on new search for facilitating the creative animation by overcoming the issues and limits generated by the subcontract animation industry. 1970s was the time that the national objective is to advance heavy-chemical industry and export-led economic growth. From the late 1970s, the animation has been spot lighted as the main-stream export industry through the overseas subcontract orders for animation. Expansion of the subcontract animation production has been influenced from the national policies on public culture, dispersion of color TV, facilitation of video production market and other media changes of the time that led the decline of animation audiences in theaters, and another cause would be in lack of platform of broadcasting companies that avoided the independent animation production for its economic theory. The subcontract animation industry may have the positive evaluation in the aspect of expanding the animation environment, such as, structuring of animation infra, development of new human resources and etc. However, the technology-incentive 'production'-oriented advancement has created distorted structure in advancing the professional human resources due to the absence of 'pre-production' of planning and others as well as the insufficient perception on 'post production (post work)', and it was unable to formulate domestic market by re-investing the capital accumulated for OEM industry into the production of creative animation and it has been assessed as negative aspect. Animation is a cultural and spiritual product of a country. Therefore, the systematic support policy for the facilitation of the creative animation, such as, development of professional human resources, creation of outstanding work, formation of market to make the pre-circulation structure and so forth has to be sought. However, animation is an industry, but there is no perception that it is a cultural industry based on the creativeness, not hardware-oriented manufacturing business. Such a lack of recognition, there was no policies to make the market and facilitate the creative animation by the animation of Korea for this period through the long-term plan and investment for independent work production. Such an attempt is newly begun through diverse searches for protection and advancement of creative animation in Korea after 1990s.