• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.165-198
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• 2002

By comparing and analyzing the September 11 terror attack news reports on the daily papers in the U.S., Korea, and China, this research found that national ideology and international relationship concerned have affected news report frames about international dispute matters. Both quantitative and qualitative researches identify differences in news framing. For example, after the September 11 terror attack, the most pages of the USs The New York Times and Korean Chosunilbo were covered with related articles(382 and 192 reports, respectively), whereas Chinese Inminilbo cur down to only 32 reports about the issue. Also in content, both The New York Times and Chosunilbo viewed the September 11 terror attack as evil acts which threatened world peace and justified military action against Afghanistan as inevitable revenge and justice for such evil acts, in the point of the USs official view. However, Inminilbo gave out news only based on facts in a neutral viewpoint. Moreover, regarding American military intervention, the Chinese newspapers held very different news frame from the other two by describing considerable sacrifice and pain of innocent people of Afghanistan seriously. For the story composition, daily newspapers in all three countries took the same way to report focusing on specific events with episodes.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.65-103
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• 2015

This study is an attempt to look into the future role of the ROKN and to provide a strategic way forward with a special focus on naval strategic concept and force planning. To accomplish this goal, this research takes four sequential steps for analysis: 1) assessing the role and utility of naval power of ROKN since its foundation back in 1945; 2) forecasting features of various maritime threats to influence the security of Korea in the future directly or indirectly; 3) identifying the roles to be undertaken by future ROKN; and 4) recommending Korean way of naval force planning and the operational concept of naval power. This study seeks to show that ROKN needs comprehensive role to better serve the nation with respect to national security, national prosperity and development, and future battle-space management. To safeguard the national security of Korea, it suggests three roles: 1) national guard for the peaceful unification; 2) protector of the maritime sovereignty; and 3) suppressor to maritime threats. Three more roles are highlighted for national prosperity: 1) escort of the national economy; 2) guardian for national maritime activities; and 3) contributor to the world peace. These roles need to be closely connected with the role for the battle-space management. This paper addresses the need for a dramatic shift of the central operational domain from land to maritime in the future. This will eventually offer future ROKN a leading role for developing strategic concept and force planning rather than merely a supporting one. This study finally suggests 'balanced' strategy both in concept development and force planning. A balanced force planning is a 'must' rather than an 'option' when considering a division of function between Task Fleets and Area Fleets, constructing cutting-edge conventional forces such as Aegis destroyer, CVs, or submarines, and the mix of high-profile platform and low-profile when composing future fleets. A 'balance' is also needed in operational concept. The fleet should be prepared to fulfill its missions based on two different types of force operation i.e., coercive or cooperative application of the utility of naval force. The findings and recommendations of the study are relevant today, and will be increasingly important in the future to achieve various political goals required by enhancing the utility of naval power.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.57-81
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• 2008

Comparing to those of the US and European countries, the education for international understanding(EIU) in Korea has a relatively short history. It has been accelerated since Korean government put an emphasis on globalization of the country in 1990s. However, it was not until the beginning of 2000s that academic discussion on EIU has really begun. This study evaluated the development of EIU in Korea and proposed future directions based on its assessment. First of all, EIU in Korea needs to invite more diverse actors beyond UNESCO. Being an interdisciplinary subject, EIU requires more supports from and cooperations among professionals in diverse fields. The main themes in EIU, such as global interdependence, global perspectives, cross-cultural understanding need to be more emphasized, and the global issues such as peace and human rights need to be integrated into the framework of EIU. Based on the analyses of current EIU practices and the forgoing discussions, some recommendations were proposed for the improvement of EIU in Korean schools. In addition, the relationship between EIU and multicultural education was discussed and some suggestions were focused on the ways to improve their cooperation as the world becomes more closer and the Korean society moves into a multicultural society.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.148
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• pp.29-47
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• 2018

The relationship between Confucian tradition and modern China has been discussed since the last century only on a preconceived level of "pre-modernization" without practical orientation, since the discussion has been referred to the modern West while China has not yet commenced modernization. Such being the case, it is of great significance to revert to this topic in the contemporary context of China's modernization. In other words, such new discussions are concerned with a series of difficulties China is presently confronted. To put it brief, the profit-oriented market economy has bit by bit undermined the traditional customs of the mild agricultural society, resulting in the emotional apathy among people, crush of the ethical order, discard of morality in life, ignorance of man's spiritual existence, and ultimately the extremely unbalanced development of "beggar-thy-neighbor" situation among ethnic groups, countries and regions. Since Confucius time, the Confucian tradition has always been attaching great importance to purify customs through social rules for etiquette and harmony, in the process of which, the ethic order is arranged to promote the emotional communication among group members, the individuals are cultivated to enhance their spiritual realms, and most importantly, those social rules for etiquette and harmony are casted as forms of civilization so as to achieve peace and harmony of the whole world. The integration of these three aspects of the Confucian tradition can undoubtedly provide a reference for solving considerable problems confronted by modern China.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.142
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• pp.99-119
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• 2017

Buddhism tends to be accepted as an institutional religion. This is probably due to the historical background in which Buddhism has been accepted as a representative institutional religion along with Christianity since the mid-20th century. In particular, Buddhism is accepted as an institutional religion based on tradition. Buddhism is also accepted as philosophy. Even if the western philosophical background is embraced that defines philosophy as the pursuit of intellectual clarity and wisdom in life, Buddhism is deemed to be classified as a philosophy that allows for the possibility of philosophical criticism without unconditionally believing the truth that Gautama Buddha discovered. The possibility of Buddhism as philosophy like this is directly linked to the possibility of Buddhism for doing philosophy. Doing philosophy in Buddhism can be presented in three processes: keeping a distance from daily life, the observation and concentration based on the distance, and the formation of a new world-view. Doing philosophy is rooted in the same way as meditation in the lives of people tired from post-capitalist everyday life. Nonetheless, Buddhism clearly has the characteristics of religion, thus posing a challenge of establishing a new relationship between religion and philosophy. The tradition of a strict separation between the religion and philosophy in Christian civilization is still working as a factor that keeps Buddhism from being classified as philosophy. In cases where the pursuit of intellectual clarity and practical wisdom in life is incorporated into the purpose of philosophy, Buddhism can be categorized into having the distinctive function of religion "spiritual peace", and sharing the common function of philosophy and religion "enlightenment." In that sense, it can also be an important task to seek a new perspective on the relationship between religion and philosophy.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.199-227
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• 2015

In the twenty-first century, one of the most controversial issues concerns neoliberal policies and its results. In particular, since the mid-1980s, the United States and international financial institutions have imposed their programs on Latin American countries. The result is a deepening social inequality in Latin America that puts an emphasis on financial stability instead of social security. Consequently, social inequality is worsened and an imbalance in income distribution took place. Because of the flexibility of labor, the middle class is destroyed. For the poor person deprived of the opportunity to rise, violence is a common occurrence in daily life. Thus, in this context, Eduardo Galeano raises the necessity of a critique concerning the values that neoliberalism regards as important. Furthermore, Galeano is also wary of the "militarization of neoliberalism." This is because the neoliberal multinationals motivate a war without borders under the guise of peace. Neo-liberal policies also contribute to environmental pollution. However, environmental vandalism, which happens in partnership with large and international organizations, is not readily apparent to the public because those perpetrators wore a "green mask." Hence, Galeano assiduously endeavors to undercover the false consciousness hiding behind the green mask. Thus, in brief summary, Galeano represents in his works a depiction about Latin America where violence often happens in daily life.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.125-174
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• 2017

The Cheondeok-Song (religious songs of Cheondo-Gyo) of the Japanese colonial period shown on Cheondo-Gyohwe-Weolbo, the monthly magazine of Cheondo-Gyo Church were examined in this paper. The results are as follows. There are scores of songs, lyrics, and articles related to Cheondeok-Song in the monthly magazine. The five-tone scale or Korean traditional rhythm style was partly used, but western music form was dominant in most of the songs. Especially the four-part form of Christian hymns became usual since 1931. This shows how people thought of the new trends. The reception of the new trends being emphasized, but they recognized tradition as an object of overcoming rather than of succeeding. The lyrics contain religious contents and the spirit of the period to restore national self-respect and contribute to the world peace through overcoming Japanese imperialism. But the rhythm of seven and five syllables which is suspected to have been introduced by Japan was spread after the 1920s. Cheondeok-Song have been sung in the three grand anniversaries and other anniversaries, the Prayer-day, in Cheondo-Gyo church services on Sunday, ceremonies, and in lecture. There are various kinds of songs and their status is very high. Especially, Cheondeok-Song have been used actively in mission works and edification for women. Cheondeok-Song actively reflected the domestic and international trends and the demands of that times. They could sing self perfection through enlightenment and also the social reform based on it. These are the reasons why I think Cheondeok-Song of those days are so important. Cheondeok-Song reflected modern elements actively, but couldn't succeed the national form and the traditional elements properly. The problem of cultural identity is not only a specific group's but also that of the whole humanity of maintaining cultural diversity. This is also a task that Cheondo-Gyo Cheondeok-Song have to solve in the future.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.117-122
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• 2019

This paper aims to investigate ideological preferences of news media outlets by looking at the news coverage of North Korea-Russia summit in April, 2019. The meeting has gained attention in South Korea, China, Japan and America in that the historical meeting will reflect the future direction for denuclearization on the Korean peninsular and the peace in the world. Given this, in particular, a special attention is paid to the editorials and headlines of news articles reported in two Korean quality newspapers, DongA Ilbo and Hankyoreh because both are quality newspapers, but are ideologically different. To achieve objectivity and fairness, the same issues dealt with during the summit were compared and analyzed within Martin and White (2005)'s Appraisal framework. As a result, it was found that in editorials of DongA Ilbo showed a negative stance to the summit by employing the 'attitude' factor, whereas the Hankyoreh was overwhelmingly positive toward the issue, also by employing the 'attitude' factor. The political stance is likely to be in line with those shown in the headlines of news articles from each newspaper. That is, it is clear that each news outlet shows its ideological stances to news consumers through linguistic expressions, in that both editorials and the headlines of news articles express their political preferences to the summit by means of linguistic appraisals.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.181-208
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• 2018

This paper explores divination cultures of ancient China and how scriptures of the Zhou Yi had been interpreted in terms of Confucian ethics by the Confucian school focusing on Gan hexagram in the Shanghai Museum Zhou Yi manuscript. Gan hexagram shown on the Shanghai Museum Zhou Yi manuscript corresponds with Xian hexagram 咸卦 in the received text of the Zhou Yi, which means "gan 感," and the whole subjects of the hexagram are physical love and marriage between male and female. Such examples of divination for wedding between male and female are found frequently in ancient divination including Qinghuajian "Shifa" and these materials also demonstrates that Gan hexagram merely was a divination for love and marriage. However, Xunxi 荀子 "Dalue" 大略 and "Tuanzhuan" of the received text of the Zhou Yi had expanded to the dao 道 of husband and wife, and moreover, "erqi 二氣" philosophy of yin and yang by abstracting the theme of Gan hexagram, namely Xian hexagram, from love and marriage between male and female. Such expansion had stepped forward to a generative theory of all things that composes the world and cosmos in a way of natural philosophy and to a claim for peace under heaven in a way of human society through influences by shengren 聖人. "Xuguazhuan" also regards Xian hexagram 咸卦 as the dao of husband and wife and, based on it, expands to parents and children, sovereign and subject, superiors and inferiors, and the proprieties. The commentary of "Xuguazhuan" is concluded to human manners, starting with cosmic order. These statements interpreted scriptures of the Zhou Yi as Confucian ethics and show the aspects of how the Zhou Yi had become a Confucian classic.