• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제14권2호
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• pp.1-18
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• 2016

이 논문은 공공외교의 관점에서 자국의 이익과 관련된 국제 이슈에 대해 중국 언론과 한국 언론의 보도행태를 AIIB 출범에 관련된 기사를 통해 분석했다. 분석결과, AIIB 이슈에서 중국 신문은 중국 정부의 성명과 주장을 세계에 공표하고, 바람직한 국가 이미지를 구축하며 외국 정부의 정책 결정에 영향력을 행사하려는 공공외교의 목표에 부합하는 수단으로서 작용하고 있음이 확인되었다. 따라서 중국 언론은 미디어 공공외교의 세 가지 패러다임 가운데 도구주의 패러다임으로 규정할 수 있다. 중국 신문의 도구주의 패러다임은 언론의 소유 구조에서 기인한다. 한국 신문의 경우는 미디어 공공외교 패러다임의 대외정책 상관성에 있어서 도구주의를 제외한 문화주의와 전문가주의 패러다임이 혼재되어 있다. 그러나 기사형식에서 AIIB가 국가의 정치 경제에 미치는 영향에 관한 전망을 포함한 기획기사가 크게 부족한 점 등으로 미뤄볼 때, 성숙한 담론경쟁과 정책경쟁이라는 측면이 강조되는 전문가주의 패러다임보다 문화주의 패러다임이 더 유사하다고 결론지을 수 있다. 결론적으로 본 연구는 언론의 소유 구조가 국가이익과 관련된 공공외교 이슈에 관해서도 주요한 변인임을 입증하였다.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.80-110
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• 2021

Public diplomacy (PD) scholars tend to consider two main principals: the country or agent that conducts PD (Actor A), and target groups in the host country in which PD is conducted (Actor B). The field currently lacks theories of how communications between Actors A and B can be disrupted by a third party, such as a group of motivated trolls, an organised advocacy group, or a hostile country and its agents. The purpose of this article is to outline some theoretical considerations for how the PD research field might move away from a two-actor model of PD to one in which disruption is part of the discussion. The case study explores the activities of an interest group called Media Watchdogs of Sweden (MEWAS). MEWAS was a group of around 200 members who met in a hidden Facebook group to coordinate off-platform activities aimed at influencing perceptions of how the Swedish government handled the COVID-19 pandemic in the eyes of foreign governments, researchers, decision-makers, and media. Much critical news coverage in the international press has been linked to this group. Unpacking some of MEWAS' activities, which can be considered a quite typical mixture of legitimate and illegitimate communication techniques used by activist groups, can help to shed light on some difficult questions regarding disruption in PD.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제20권1호
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• pp.1-23
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• 2021

With regard to the recent developments in public diplomacy, the increasing fusion of strategic communication appears necessary. China engages in public diplomacy with a strategic purpose to shape its national image abroad. Hosting diplomatic advocacy event is regarded as an instrument with expectations to present reliable and responsible image and promote international collaborations. The present research focuses on the Belt and Road Forum (BRF) in May 2017 with the objective to analyze its outcomes and influence on the international news agenda, news frames, and foreign citizens' comments online. The quantitative content analyses are used to compare the media reports (N=364) and Facebook users' comments on the selected news (N=957) between the US and Pakistan. Results reveal that Pakistani media provided more diverse frames and attributed more positive evaluations to the BRF than the US media. However, Facebook comments expressed more unfavorable opinions toward the BRF and China's image with rare differences between two countries. In conclusion, the BRF has served as an eye-catching advocacy of Chinese foreign policy, as it influenced the news agenda in two selected countries. However, news frames vary due to the differences in media system and the involvement in the BRF. China's public diplomacy practices follow a traditional top-down communication which needs meticulous subdivision of target stakeholders, delicate messaging strategies, and integrated tactics.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제20권7호
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• pp.169-184
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• 2020

본 논문은 중국 공공외교 전략 하에 추진되는 국제교육 프로그램의 분석을 통해, 중국 공공외교 수행방식 변화와 그 의미를 분석하였다. 시진핑 지도부는 중국은 지난 40여 년간의 경제적 성장으로 토대로, 이제는 G2에서 세계최강국으로 발돋움하기 위해 노력하고 있다. 또한 그에 대한 비전으로 '중화민족의 위대한 부흥'이라는 '중국의 꿈'을 제시하고 있다. 현재 중국의 공공외교 차원에서 추진되는 국제교육 프로그램은 기존의 수동적이고 대응적인 방식에서 벗어나 국가 전략 속에서 능동적이고, 중장기적으로 구체화되어 운영된다. 즉 과거의 중국의 국제교육 프로그램이 '중국위협론'을 불식시키기 위한 소극적 모델이었다면, 현재 중국의 국제교육 프로그램은 세계 속에 '중국식' 질서를 학습, 확산시킬 수 있는 능동적인 모델로 진화하고 있다.

• 산업융합연구
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• 제19권6호
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• pp.1-10
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• 2021

본 연구는 글로벌 공급망 변화로 인해 국내외 기업의 투자유치를 통한 지역경제 활성화가 긴요한 시점에서 충청북도를 중심으로 공공외교를 활용한 지방정부의 경쟁력 강화 방안을 모색했다. 최근 글로벌 비즈니스 환경에서 나타나고 있는 주요 이슈를 정리하면, 글로벌 가치사슬의 지역화 강화, 리쇼어링 현상과 공급망 다변화, 디지털 전환을 통한 효율적인 글로벌 가치사슬 창출 등이다. 따라서 본 연구는 이러한 변화를 바탕으로 공공외교 전략의 필요성을 강조하고 SWOT 분석을 통해 충북의 대응 여건 및 세부 전략을 도출했다. 또한, 이를 종합하여 ABCD 모델을 기반으로 충북형 공공외교 전략을 수립하고, 충북의 경쟁력을 한 단계 업그레이드하기 위한 전략적 시사점을 제시했다.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제10권5호
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• pp.99-105
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• 2024

한국전쟁은 63개국이 참전한 국제전이며, 모든 대륙에서 참여한 유일한 개별국가전쟁이다. 이러한 한국전쟁의 특징은 국내적 차원의 보훈뿐만 아니라 다양한 국가와의 국제보훈 가능성을 제시한다. 본 연구는 지금까지 이루어진 한국전쟁 참전국과의 보훈 현황을 살펴보며, 한국전쟁 정전 70년을 맞아 앞으로의 보훈 공공외교의 발전방향과 과제를 제언하는 데 목적을 둔다. 본 연구는 물자지원국과 전후복구지원국, 지원의사 표명국으로 범위 확대와 기존 유엔참전국 보훈 강화의 관점에서 보훈공공외교의 발전방향을 제언하였다. 국내에는 다양한 보훈시설이 있으며, 이를 활용한 적극적인 다크 투어리즘 전개는 한국전쟁에 대한 국내외적 관심 제고에 기여할 것으로 기대된다. 한국전쟁은 국제사회와 한국을 연결해주는 매우 중요한 사건이다. 보훈공공외교를 통해 과거를 기억하고 지속가능한 국제보훈을 위한 준비가 필요한 시점이다.

• STI Policy Review
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.85-110
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• 2015

Science and technology diplomacy has become an important policy agenda because of its diplomatic utility and enhancing of international science networks. However, different countries possess different objectives and governance of S&T diplomacy. In this context, this paper seeks to answer the following questions: what are the similarities and differences of S&T diplomacy in countries and what shapes these characteristics? To answer these questions, this paper conducts a comparative case study with five countries - Switzerland, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States - whose S&T diplomatic programs are highly recognized and benchmarked by other countries. A useful typology is devised to conduct a systematic comparison. For S&T diplomatic objectives, this paper suggests five types by elaborating concepts from the previous literature: access diplomacy, promotion diplomacy, public aid diplomacy, functional diplomacy, and global leadership diplomacy. Also, in terms of a governance model for S&T diplomacy, three models - a sciencecentered model, a science-outsourcing model and a top-down coordinating model - are suggested based on leadership organization. This paper reveals the different characteristics of the selected countries in S&T diplomacy. While the selected countries pursue almost every type of S&T diplomatic objective, the US and the UK tend to conduct influence-based diplomacy more than other countries do. In addition, different countries each have unique governance models for S&T diplomacy. While more research is necessary for vigorously testing the causes of different objectives and their relationship with governance models, this paper suggests more general policy implications throughout. The strength of the country's S&T base is fundamentally important for the success of S&T diplomacy. However, domestic S&T assets need to be transferred to its diplomatic capabilities. In this sense, the appropriate governance that fits best with the country's S&T mission should be established, while S&T communities should increasingly play a leadership role in evolving global S&T networks.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.27-49
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• 2018

Public Diplomacy (PD) is the third pillar of South Korean foreign policy. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PD aims to attract foreign audiences by means of art, knowledge transmission, media, language and foreign aid. When it comes to the Korean language, its global profile has seen an especially marked increase in recent years (Kim, 2009). Thus, this paper's objective is to explain the relevance of the Korean language in the generation of South Korea's soft power. I draw from $C{\acute{e}}sar$ Villanueva's reflections in order to problematize how language promotion can be translated into soft power at five different levels: the empathetic, the sympathetic, the geopolitical, the diplomatic and the utilitarian. I observe that in the case of the Korean language in Mexico City, soft power has the potential to be generated on three levels: it helps to increase knowledge of Korean culture (empathetic); it exercises symbolic persuasion (geopolitical), since the products of cultural industries are mostly in Korean; and it is used as a tool for economic transactions in Mexico City (utilitarian).

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.94-111
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• 2018

This study examines Korea's international development volunteer program as a citizen diplomacy initiative. Informed by a cultural perspective of transmission and relational models of public diplomacy, I examine the ways in which volunteer training incorporates cultural-learning into its program. The study finds that volunteer training is largely based on an instrumentalist approach to culture that places emphasis on learning the "explicit" side of culture, such as Korean traditional dance, art, and food as a strategy to promote the country's national image. In contrast, much less covered in the training program is a relational approach to culture-learning that is guided by a reflexive understanding of the "implicit" side of culture, or the values and beliefs that guide the worldviews and behavior of both volunteers and host constituents. Whereas the value of the volunteer program as a citizen diplomacy initiative is in its potential to build relationships based on two-way engagement, its conception of culture is mostly guided by that of the transmission model of public diplomacy. Based on the findings, this study calls for an integrated approach to culture-learning in volunteer training program to move the citizen diplomacy initiative forward.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제26권1호
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• pp.49-91
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• 2022

Recent years have witnessed renewed interest in Africa and public diplomacy has emerged as the vital tool being used to cultivate these relations. China has been leading in pursuing stronger economic partnership with Africa while middle powers such as Korea are also intensifying engagement with the continent. While previous studies have analyzed the implications of China's activities in Africa on advanced powers, none has examined them from the paradigm of middle powers. This study fills this gap by assessing China's activities in Africa, their economic engagement and implications for Korea's interest in Africa. The analysis is qualitative based on secondary data from various sources and literature. The study shows that China's public diplomacy strategy involves a high degree of innovation and has evolved to encompass new tools and audiences. China has institutionalized a cooperative model that permeates many aspects of governance institutions in Africa, enabling it to strengthen their relations. This could also be helping China to adjust faster leadership transitions in Africa. Whereas the US is still the most influential country in Africa, China is influential in economic policies and has outstripped the US in infrastructure diplomacy. This could be because African policy makers align more with China's economic model than the US' mainstream economics. Chinese aid to Africa has been diversified to social sectors that are more responsive to the needs of Africa. Trade and investment relations between China and Africa have deepened, but so does trade imbalance since 2010. China mainly imports natural resources and raw materials from Africa. But this product portfolio is not different from Korea and the US. China's energetic insertion in Africa using various strategies has significant implications for countries with ambitions in Africa. Korea can achieve its ambitions in Africa by focusing resources in areas it can leverage its core strengths-such as education and vocational training, environmental policy and development cooperation.