• Title/Summary/Keyword: Preface

Search Result 104, Processing Time 0.026 seconds

A Study on Clinical Korean Medicine Book 『JeSeBoGam』 during the Period of Japanese Occupation - with Focus on the Comparison with 『BangYakHapPyeon』 - (일제강점기 임상한의서 『제세보감』 연구 - 『방약합편』과의 비교를 중심으로 -)

  • Ku, Hyun-Hee
    • The Journal of Korean Medical History
    • /
    • v.29 no.2
    • /
    • pp.35-47
    • /
    • 2016
  • "JeSeBoGam (濟世寶鑑)" was a medical document authored by Moon Gi-hong during the Japanese colonial rule in 1933, and the author acted as a Korean medicine doctor, an acupuncturist, a medicine practitioner and an apothecary. Since its first publication in 1933, it has been published three times in 1966 and 1975, from the Japanese colonial period to the liberation period. "JeSeBoGam" is largely divided into Preface part, "List of drugs according to symptoms [隨症用藥目錄]", "JeSeBoGam-Gap (濟世寶鑑甲)", and the Appendix includes "Key points for diagnosing the disease [察病要訣]" "Key points of acupuncture and pulse [脈訣]" "Key points of acupuncture and moxibustion treatment [針灸訣]" in the back of the book. In 1933, there are attached exam books and license application forms related to Korean medicine doctor and pharmacist, so strict regulations on them during the Japanese occupation period can be confirmed. "JeSeBoGam-Gap" contains 208 prescriptions from 143 prescriptions taken from "BangYakHapPyeon" and 65 prescriptions from other books. It divided into Gap (甲) Eul (乙) Byung (丙) Jung (丁). These prescriptions were placed in "List of drugs according to symptoms [隨症用藥目錄]" according to a symptom 1,286 times. Considerable parts of organization and prescription drug composition of "JeSeBoGam" are closely related with "BangYakHapPyeon", but there were adjustments in all medicinal ingredients and capacity for the rest of them except 23 prescription drugs. Compared to "BangYakHapPyeon", there was a tendency to substitute the basic prescription in "JeSeBoGam" for prescriptions used for the same disease. Though only 65 prescriptions were taken from books other than "BangYakHapPyeon", 575 times were reflected in "List of drugs according to symptoms [隨症用藥目錄]", and the rate of utilization is high compared with the number of prescriptions of "BangYakHapPyeon". It is thought that the circumstances of the Japanese occupation period, limits in medicinal ingredients composition due to regional characteristics, and changes in a patient's condition and the treatment method might have an influence on the author's drug use tendency. "JeSeBoGam" is similar to "BangYakHapPyeon" in composition, but it is a new practical medical book in which the author's clinical records are concentrated.

A Study of The Documentary Characteristics of $\ll$Chimgudaesung(鍼灸大成)$\gg$ ($\ll$침구대성(鍼灸大成)$\gg$의 문헌적 특징에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Ki-Wook;Park, Hyun-Guk
    • Journal of Acupuncture Research
    • /
    • v.25 no.6
    • /
    • pp.125-133
    • /
    • 2008
  • Objectives : The aim of this study is to review $\ll$Chimgudaesung$\gg$ on documentary characteristics such as truth or falsehood of authors, editions, the relationship of $\ll$Hyeongibiyo(玄機秘要)$\gg$. Materials and Methods : Based on Hwangyongsang(黃龍祥)'s study, the author of $\ll$Chimgudaesung$\gg$, the number of volumes and edition, basic contents and constitution, characteristic of reference, and the documentary research results will be arranged. Results and Conclusions : 1. $\ll$Chimgudaesung$\gg$ was made by Geunhyeon based on Yanggyeju(楊繼洲)'s $\ll$Hyeongibiyo$\gg$, and in the 29th year of the Manryeok(萬曆) era Jomunbyeong(趙文炳) saw to the inscription. Therefore, the author must be recorded as 'Originally by Yanggyeju of the Myeong(明) dynasty, revised by Geunhyeon'. 2. The existing Myeong dynasty editions are mostly Leewolgyu(李月桂)'s 'Jungsu edition(重修本)' from the 14th year of the Sunchi(順治) era of the Qing(淸) dynasty and Wangbo(王輔)'s 'Chesu edition (遞修本)' Leewolgyu and Wangbo's preface was deleted and the original text was supplemented from the 37th year of the Ganghui(康熙) era. There are many traces of revision, supplementation and copying by people of later generations in these editions. 3. The 'Chukin edition(縮印本)' of $\ll$Chimgudaesung$\gg$ is mostly a merge of the Myeong dynasty editions and used much of the new revised 'Chesu edition'. This editions should not ever be used again as an original in putting the $\ll$Chimgudaesung$\gg$ in order. 4. After $\ll$Chimgudaesung$\gg$ was published Jomunbyeong had a craftsman publish 4 drawings of $\ll$Donginmyeongdangdo(銅人明堂圖)$\gg$, of which the originally published ones were w drawings of the front and rear, and when Jomunbyeong republished he added 2 Cheukindo(側人圖) of the frontal side(正側) and rear side(背側). 5. When Geunhyeon edited $\ll$Chimgudaesung$\gg$ only 14 medical books were used and quotes copied from other texts were always reedited. Most of the origins of the collected text are shown under the index, but many do not match with the original text. Also many documents were copied from medical books from later times and not the primal text. 6. The annotated sections of $\ll$Chimgudaesung$\gg$ such as 'Yangsi(楊氏)', 'Yangsijip(楊氏集)', 'Yangsijuhae(楊氏注解)', 'Hyeongibiyo' are all from Yanggyeju's $\ll$Hyeongibiyo$\gg$. Of these the origins for the sections marked 'Yangsijip' can be found, but some of the origins for sections annotated 'Yangsi' cannot be found.

  • PDF

Chinese author Yu Hua's prose ≪十個詞彙中的中國≫ non-fiction writing (중국 작가 위화의 산문 ≪십개사휘중적중국(十個詞彙中的中國)≫의 '비허구적 글쓰기')

  • Shin, eui-yun
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
    • /
    • v.6 no.2
    • /
    • pp.71-76
    • /
    • 2020
  • The preface to the Korean version of ≪十個詞彙中的中國≫ is titled This means June 4, 1989, when the Tiananmen Square incident in China took place. It was cleverly called 'May 35' to avoid censorship by the Chinese government. The reason why the original ≪十個詞彙中的中國≫ is banned from publishing in China is because the book directly mentions the Tiananmen Square incident. On the contrary, it was published in the May 35 style of writing in spite of public opinion. Writing in the May 35 and June 4 style refers to writing in "fiction" and "non-fiction." For the past three decades, Yu-hwa has talked about the Chinese reality in love and hate amid the so-called fiction "false writing." And it is someone's admission that there was a keen spirit of criticism in the past. ≪十個詞彙中的中國≫ has an important meaning that Yu-hwa is no longer dependent on the framework of fiction, but is the first work to begin to express the desire to directly talk about.

The Korean Old Maps in Toyo Bunko, Japan (일본 동양문고(東洋文庫) 소장 한국본 고지도 연구)

  • Yang, Bo-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
    • /
    • v.50 no.6
    • /
    • pp.717-734
    • /
    • 2015
  • The Toyo Bunko (東洋文庫) in Tokyo, Japan is one of the largest library that holds the Korean old geographical documents. About 200 topographies of counties and prefectures, including Giinhansangnyang 杞人間商量 which recorded compilation and improvement plan of the geographical annals belong to it. Several maps and geographical annals of Joseon Period possessed in the Toyo Bunko are set high values on geography since the materials are only belong to it and have not yet been found in Korea. There are very important map collections including six copies of Daedongyeojido 大東輿地圖(1861, 1864) by Kim Jeongho(金正浩) and Suseonjeondo 首善全圖 by Kim, Jungho, collectible stamp of Maema Kyosaku(前間恭作) is imprinted on it, and Gangyeokjundo 疆域全圖 and Dongyeodo 東輿圖 which made with 20-ri and 10-ri grid, owned by Sidehara Daira(幣原坦). Especially Gwanbukjido 關北地圖 which is the northern border map recorded the Lee Sam's(李森) preface who served as a military official of Hamgyeong and Pyeongan Province in early 18th century. These maps and some other maps have a historical value to supplement of the history of Korean Cartography.

  • PDF

A Study on the Student Guidance at Home Management House (가정관리실습관에 있어서의 학생지도에 관한 연구 - 서울 시내모여자대학교대상-)

  • 김복길
    • Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
    • /
    • v.12 no.34
    • /
    • pp.679-697
    • /
    • 1974
  • I. Preface A. Establishment. There are many psycological and physiological difficulties that students have made practical application to a building site of 600 pyung and a structure of 65 pyung each sixteen students in the Home Management House, but there exists problem in students apprentice and management of professors. B. Purpose of study This research aim to seek a high degree of efficiency approach in investigating, studying and analyzing factors of the problem in Home Management which have been faced in women colleges in seoul. C. Content of study. This study is aim at finding out the problems including facilites, system, guiding principle, working bottleneck and administrative problem in making practical application of Home Management. II. A plan and method of study A. This subject of statiscal research is 616 women students in senior year from september 27 1970 to October 31 1974. The rate of collection of questionnaire is 100 percent. B. The Method of study is devised through refering documents, interview with students, questionnaire and observation. III. Result of study Of the total of 29 university in seoul, 24 Universities have its Course of Home Economic among which only 12 have Home Management for making practical application. Home Management House for making practical application is located mainly in campus but some of them exceptimally are in outside university. Students practice mainly at civilzed resident, apartment, bangalow so forth, and demention of which occupies approxiamtely 50-600 pyung (land) and 20-70 pyung (Building). A member with 4 or 20 students make practical application from 10 days to 3 months. A member consists of students and assistant teacher, and practice site classifies into living school for Professors living, and another school for Professors and assistant teachers. Answer to a questionnaire. 616 students answer to a questionnaire. 49 Perfect of 616 students like to have a member with 12 students like to have a member with 12 students, 38 percent student a member with 16 students. About the period of making practical About the period of making practical application, 76 percent students like to have two or three week period. 19 percent students think it a short period and 4 percent students think it a long period. There is none who thinks 25 day period day period to be short. About making practical application, 66 percent of 616 students feel uneasy, 40 percent students feel lack of sleep and tired. Students take a pleasure in having a conversation with their friends, inviting their mother, having dinner-party and birthday party. 77 percent students want to invite their father and 67 percent students want to invite their boy-friends. It is hard to have a good personal relation about the great the result of practice, students acknowledge themselves that they have learned about Cautiousness and they are sure of good Home Manager. There are 9 difficult problems during the period. IV. Summary discussion a. Many problems come from having a number of students. b. Students feel tired with their practice if over three weeks. No Matter how good a plan is, it useless if students can't adapt themselves to it. Suggestions 1) it is good to have a member with 5 or 6 students, and it is suitable to have two or three week period, and to have an area of 20 or 30 pyung. 2) it's proposed a profess or to live together in making practical application of Home Management 3) it is proposed a professor to have a sure T.O. and to be treated better.

  • PDF

Analysis of readings of Lee Yang-o's in the 18th century (18세기 독자 이양오(李養吾)의 <사씨남정기> 독법)

  • Choi, yun hi
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
    • /
    • no.69
    • /
    • pp.233-258
    • /
    • 2017
  • The purpose of this paper is as follows: The book, , which Yi Yang-o read, is to find out what kind of series it was. Second, I will examine the way of expressing the preface that I wrote after and try to analyze the part where Lee Yang-ho took interest in . Lee Yang-o was more concerned about the soft-handedness and the eavesdropping than the person named Sasu and Kyo. It can be understood in connection with the social problems of the 18th century and the situation of Lee Yang-ho. In other words, there was a great interest in the reality, the torture of the reins of war wanted the world to live, and the was a work that reminds us of the torture of reeling. I was able to find out that Lee Yang-o was involved with the problem of reality in which he lived, criticized concrete reality contradicted reality, and struck down his intention to do so.

The Study of the Origin and Transformation of the Arts of the Dao in The Canonical Scripture (《典經》中的道術思想來源與轉化運用研究)

  • Hsieh, Tsung-hui
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
    • /
    • v.36
    • /
    • pp.267-298
    • /
    • 2020
  • The purpose of the paper is to analyze the developmental background and practical approaches to the arts of the Dao (道術 dosul) in Daesoon Jinrihoe (大巡真理會) by tracing this concept back to its source and comparing and contrasting Daesoon Jinrihoe's usage of 'arts of the Dao' with the usage found in traditional Daoism. The paper is divided into a preface, conclusion, and two body sections. Especially significant discoveries appear in the second and third sections. In the second section, the Daoist concept of Alterable and Unalterable Degree Numbers (運度定數 yundudingshu, 'degree numbers' suggesting 'fate' or 'destiny') allows for a comparison between the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth (天地公事 cheonjigongsa) from Daesoon Jinrihoe's The Canonical Scripture (典經 jeon-gyeong) and the Opening of Calamities to Save Humanity (開劫度人 kaijieduren) in Daoism. Here discourse can be provided regarding the cause of calamities (劫 'jie' in Chinese and 'geop' in Sino-Korean). Additionally examined are the deep grievances between divine beings and humans and the cosmic cycles of growth and decay as both of these relate to the reason for calamities. As for the resolving of calamities, there are two differing perspectives proposed by Daesoon Jinrihoe and traditional Daoism. Daesoon Jinrihoe believes that Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山) led changes and renewal through the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth. In this context, clergy and laity play roles as assistants. However, Daoism emphasizes gaining merit from the recitation of scriptures and the collective participation of immortals rather than relying completely upon divine intervention from the Celestial Worthy of the Primordial State (元始天尊 yuanshi tianzun). In the third section, 'The Origin and Application of the Arts of the Dao (道術 daoshu),' analysis is provided regarding the origin and connotation of five directional generals (五方將 wufangjiang), the twenty-four generals (二十四將 ershijiang), the twenty-eight generals (二十八將 ershibajiang), and the forty-eight generals (四十八將 sishibajiang). Likewise examined is the relationship between the arts of the Dao in The Canonical Scripture and Thunder Rites in the Shen Xiao Lineage (道教神霄雷法 daojiao shenxiao leifa) of Daoism. Lastly, some points are made about the operation of two ceremonies: The Ceremony of Transformation and Pacing (遁甲步罡儀式 dunjiabugangyishi) and Divination through the Formula Disc of the Six Ren Gods (六壬式盤占卜 liuren shipanzhanbu).

Seo Yu-gu's Design Concept for a Rural Residential Landscape (서유구(徐有榘)의 향촌 주거환경 조성에 관한 구상)

  • Shim, Myung Joo
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.50 no.2
    • /
    • pp.127-137
    • /
    • 2022
  • In this paper, we have examined Seo Yu-gu's concept of rural home landscaping by reviewing the contents in Wonrim·Ganso in Hyungbipochi. The origin of his concept of rural residential landscaping reflects the Joseon Fengshui perspective following Bokgeo Sayo. Keeping in mind the requirements for living environment based on the Joseon Fengshui perspective, Seo Yu-gu interpreted Jiangjiuyuanji and introduced the components of ideal living that he had obtained from it in ways applicable and suitable to rural homes in Joseon. Jiangjiuyuanji, which contains the natural elements such as mountains, water, fields, and trees, could have been well received by Joseon scholars. As Seo Yu-gu explained in Sangtaekji, it had all the components of Nakto. In sum, constructing the hedges with three layers to promote the safety of rural residents and protect the food sources, utilising water sources for rural homes in various ways, and creating a beautiful courtyard Seokgasan and ponds were Seo Yu-gu's ways of reproducing the requirements for Nakto described in Jiangjiuyuanji such as a safe living environment surrounded by mountains resembling a lotus flower castle, a plentiful water source, and a beautiful natural environment based on the principle of 'Bokgeo Sayo'. In other words, through the content of his writing Wonrim·Ganso, he was articulating his thoughts on how to realise the ideal living conditions described in Jiangjiuyuanji in ways applicable to rural homes in Joseon. In the extended context of Imwon gyeongje ji, such deliberation of Seo Yu-gu shows a glimpse of the goals and practices he pursued through it. The content of Wonrim·Ganso in Hyungbipochi truly manifests Seo Yu-gu's approach to and understanding of Chinese literature. Moreover, his suggestions for application in rural Joseon villages verify the orientation and practical goals of Imwon gyeongje ji as he stated in the preface that 'the book was written specially for Joseon'.

A study on Huh-Joon's medical thoughts in Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham (동의보감(東醫寶鑑)을 통한 허준의 의학사상에 관한 고찰)

  • Kwon, Hak-Cheol;Park, Chan-Guk
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
    • /
    • v.6
    • /
    • pp.89-130
    • /
    • 1993
  • Huh-joon's medical thoughts shown on his medical book of the Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham can be summerized as follows. 1. The general trend of medical science in Koryo dynasty is that much more interests were concentrated upon the books about curative means rather than upon the books about theoretical knowledge of medical science. With the development of Hyang Yak(鄕樂) (the term referring either various kinds of domestic medical stuffs such as herbs or the curative methods using those stuffs) and the writing of books on Hyang Yak, independent medical science of the nation's own was established in late Koryo dynasty. And the national medical science was continuously further developed until early Choson dynasty. Briskly-expanded mutual exchanges with China in early Choson dynasty provided Choson opportunities to import Chinese medical science and to examine it. Under this circumstances, he wrote the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham. 2. As we look over the preface and Chip-Rae-Muo(集例文), we can find the characterstic of Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham is that the philosophical theory of Taoism was quoted in explaining the principles of his medical science and that the main idea of Naekyuog is the basis in explaining the way of curing diseases. 3. 83 kinds of medical books were quoted in the Doog-Eui-Bo-Kham. Besides, as many as 200 kinds of books including Tao-tzu's teaching books(道書), history books(史書), almanac(曆書), and Confucius' teaching books(儒家書籍) were quoted in total. Naekyuog and Eue-Hak-Ip-Mun, Dan-Kye-Sim-Bup were the most frequently quoted books among them. 4. Huh-Joon's medical thoughts about health care were like these. 1) The reason why Huh-Joon regarded the idea of health care as of great importance was that he laid much more emphasises on the preventive medicines rather than on the remedial medicines. The direct reason was that he was greatly influenced by profound knowledge of Taoist's study of discipline and who participated in the editing the books from the beginning. 2) Huh-Joon's outlook on human body started from the theory of "Unity of Heaven and Man"(天人合一論), which implied man was a kind of miniature universe. In addition to that, he largely theory of essence(精), vital force(氣), and spirit(神) which were regarded very important as the three most valuable properties in Taoism. However, he took his medical ground on practical and pragmatic idea that he did not discuss fundamental essence(元精), fundamental vital force(元氣), and fundamental spirit(元神) which were given by Heaven from the received only the theory of essence, vital force, and spirit which were acquired after birth and worked mainly on realistic activity of life. 3) Huh-loon accepted Do-In-Bup(導引法) sharply as a method to prevent and cure diseases. 5. Huh-loon's medical thoughts on remedial aspects are as 1) Naekyung was considered so important in Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham that not only each paragraph was begun with the Quotations from Nackyung but also the edited order of the content of the book the same with that of Naekyung. And differently from the former korean medical books he accepted at large and recorded the theories of the four noted physicians of the Geum-Won era(金元四大家) by Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham. 2) For the first time, Huh-Joon introduced the theory of Un-Ki (運氣論) in the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kahm. However, he accepted it as a pathological function of human body but he did not apply physical constitution, physiological function, pathological function, and remedial methods. 3) Huh-loon liked to use Hyang Yak that he recorded korean name of Hyang Yak(鄕名), places of the production(産地), the time of collecting(採取時月), and the way of drying herbs(陰陽乾正法) in the remedial method of a single medicine prescription for diseases at the end of each paragraph. By doing so, he developed, arranged, and revived Hyang Yak. 4) He believed that since the natural features of China were different from those of Korea the reasons of being attacked with its remedial methods couldn't be the same with different from Chinese medical books which primarily focused on paralysis and the injury of the cold has his own structure in his book that he founded independent science of this nation. He consulted enormous documents He discovered and wrote the theory and therefore concrete methods for diseases so that the book hadthe principles of outbreak of diseases(理), methods of cure(法), prescription(方), and a single medicine prescription(藥) and set system of medical science in a good order. By doing so, he and pragmatic development of medical science.

  • PDF

Study on ${\ulcorner}Bonchojeonghwa{\lrcorner}$ ${\ulcorner}Inbu{\lrcorner}$ ("본초정화(本草精華)" "인부(人部)"에 대한 고찰)

  • Kwon, Young-Bae;Eom, Dong-Myung;Kim, Hong-Kyoon
    • Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
    • /
    • v.11 no.2
    • /
    • pp.1-22
    • /
    • 2005
  • Study on ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$, which is one of the most specialized medical books in Boncho(Herbal Medicines), has been done by comparing it with some other medical books published in the Chosun dynasty. Though there was not meaningful result on e names of Korean medicine by this study and more study should follow in the future, from medicines recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Inbu (a chapter of medical ingredients from human body)${\lrcorner}$, we can reach on some results as follows by comparing in names of Korean medicines, their medical components, relevant explanations and etc. 1. Though it is difficult to know the author and the published year due to absence of the preface and epilogue, the publication is presumed to date from mid-l7th century, from the facts that Muheeong's ${\ulcorner}$Shinnongbonchokyongso${\lrcorner}$ is in the ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$'s reference list, and that there is not Hangul expression in the names of medicines nor the Ching dynasty’s books as a reference. 2. As a result of studying on the names of medicines recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Inbu${\lrcorner}$ of the Chosun dynasty's famous medical books, before ${\ulcorner}$ Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$, 19 medicines in ${\ulcorner}$Hyangyakjipsungbang${\lrcorner}$, 25 in ${\ulcorner}$Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$, and after ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$, 6 in ${\ulcorner}$Uimumbogam${\lrcorner}$, 4 in ${\ulcorner}$Kwangjebikup${\lrcorner}$, 11 in ${\ulcorner}$Bangyakhappyon${\lrcorner}$. And there are 37 medicines which are unique, ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ has 31, the biggest records among them. 3. As a result of studying on the names of medicines recorded in 「Inbu」 of the ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$ Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$, 22 medicines were recorded in the both books, 9 were only recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ and 3 were only recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$. 3 out of the total 37 medicines recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Inbu${\lrcorner}$ are only recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Hangyakjipsungbang${\lrcorner}$, and more study on this is needed. 4. From the contents recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$, Benchojeonghwa is more in detail than Donguibogam. Thus, it was specialized in Boncho (Herbal Medicines) enough to be compared with general medical books, and played a good role in leading medical science's specialization. 5. Late Chosun dynasty's medical study on Boncho (Herbal Medicines) just like ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ didn't lead to an active development of knowledge communication due to Confucian ethics. This limitation created the trend relying on general medical books or Yaksungga (songs of memorizing Boncho information) for Boncho information, but Boncho information of late Chosun dynasty became more in detail. That is, while Bokhapbang, combination of various medicines, were developed in China, Danmibang, single medicine but different intensity, were developed in Chosun. And thus, even though the kinds of medicines became smaller, but its contents became rather rich. 5. The medicines recorded in ${\ulcorner}$Bonchojeonghwa${\lrcorner}$ and ${\ulcorner}$Donguibogam${\lrcorner}$ are, from the view point of today, unclean or rather uncomfortable to use. Out those medicines, Bunchung, Hwasijangsanginkol, Hongyon, Gonidoogun, Inkondang had been used for a very long time and which proves their medical efficacy, and it is a great pity that they can’t be tried today due to the limitation by modern ethics.

  • PDF