• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.5-28
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• 2010

The theoretical scope of the public sphere has been dramatically expanded as a result of new academic inquiries into the nature of the political and the public in contemporary societies. While appreciating the value of the concept of the public sphere for understanding democratic roles of the media, scholars began to raise questions on Habermasians' exclusive focus on news and public affairs programs, arguing that various entertainment programs also can invoke political deliberation. Terms like affective public sphere, emotional public sphere, aesthetic public sphere, expressive public sphere were used to capture this new conception. To comprehend the theoretical and practical implications of the conceptual expansion of the public sphere for media studies, this study attempted to provide a typology of media-public sphere relationships. By using public-private and rational-emotional axes as two criteria for classification, we created four prototypes of the public sphere (i.e., political public sphere, populism, difference pluralism, and intimacy/privacy) and discussed the characteristics of each type. After setting out media communication as a form of meta-public sphere that mediates and coordinates the four different types of the public sphere, we presented public service broadcasting as an exemplar meta-public sphere in the contemporary society of multiple social antagonisms and differences.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.11 no.6
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• pp.925-940
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to analyze the major influence of postmodernism on 20th century fashion. Due to its characteristic traits like pluralism, indeterminacy, and immanence, it can be said that postmodernism in fashion manifests itself in an overlapped and duplicated style. The conceptual side has to do with such various 20th century thoughts as decanonization, deconstruction, populism, and in fashion it is presented as subcultural style, syncretic style, and post-feminist style. The stylistic side of postmodernism in fashion also has to do with fragmentation, hybridity, stress on performance and participation, carnivalization, deconstructive turn, and it is presented as hybrid expression, deconstructive technique, performance, and so on. In the latter part of the 20th century in which postmodernism blossoms in various fields, fashion also participates in the current of the times, together with the rapid stylistic turn, the co-existence of various trends, and the experimental or avant-garde new trials. However, it should be said that all of these tendencies mean not so much blurring of the boundaries between styles as developmental mixture of styles coming from juxtaposition after fully realizing the boundaries of contrast and combination.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• no.9
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• pp.30-37
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• 1996

The Modern architecture, generally represented as Functionalism, had brought the important problems of the absence of cultural meaning and of the public alienation. Robert Venturi is one of the major architects who suggested the new theory of Architecture. Postmodernism, for solving these problems . Therefore the purpose of this study is to analyze his design ideas and works especially for four residential projects : Vanna Venturi House, Guild House, Brant Johnson House and Brant House, His design ideas are Complexity and Contradition, Symbolism. Ornamentalism and Pluralithy of meaning . The various historical and traditional elements are refereed as symbolic and ornamental elements. The symbolic and cultural meaning of architecture through their images, memories, and associations concerning historical motifs help communicate with the public . Robert Venturi tries to pursuit Populism in architecture through historical allusion and pop art.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.63
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• pp.5-25
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• 2013

Korean society suffers from severe divisions represented by bi-polarization and collapse of the middle class. Intensive demanding on expanding social welfare budget has emerged in accordance with such a dramatic shift. Social consensus moving toward well-financed welfare policy, however, happens to meet political opposition supported by the discourse of fiscal soundness. This paper thus pays particular attention to deciphering the discursive structure in way of understanding how discourses bring public policy into play. For this purpose, news articles about fiscal soundness collected from 8 national newspapers have been analyzed in terms of frame, attitude, perspective and world view. Research results show, first of all, that there exist persistent competition between two frames identified as 'reduced tax with fiscal discipline' and 'increased tax with welfare money.' While the 'reduced tax' frame favors in maintaining tax cut at the expense of welfare budjet, the frame of 'increased tax' supports such arguments as the flexible employment of fiscal soundness and prosperity of national community helped by widening tax revenues. Also did these frames include a number of sub-frames like welfare populism, partisan politics, trickle down effect, tax bonanza for the rich, universal welfare and market over-reactions in order to bolster its logical authority. Media's active taking a part in penetrating supportive frames in line with political stance was found as well. Taking into account both the discursive structure upheld by frames and politics materialized by the media, the authors argue that public policies should be considered more as discourse than fixed reality. Shedding additional light on understanding the interplay among public opinion, policies and media discourse is of another importance for further study.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.7
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• pp.592-599
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• 2017

The possibility of establishing the committee was increased because of the pledge of the President Moon Jaein for the national education committee. Thus, the purpose of this study was to discuss about its necessity and the meaning of legislation. The study method was to analyze existing studies (concept establishment, overseas cases, and legal research), media materials, and internet materials. It also suggested positive and negative functions in establishing the national education committee. Its positive functions are; first, stability of policy, second, political neutrality, third, seeking the nature of education, and fourth, improvement of possibility. Negative functions are; first, establishing the committee could be poison, second, argument in position and role, third, issue of agreement, and fourth, populism policy oriented.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.180-196
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• 2020

This paper considers Japanese political interviews to integrate conversation and facial expression analysis. The behaviors of political leaders will be disclosed by analyzing questions and responses by using the turn-taking system in conversation analysis. Additionally, audiences who cannot understand verbal expressions alone will understand the psychology of political leaders by analyzing their facial expressions. Integral analyses promote understanding of the types of facial and verbal expressions of politicians and their effect on public opinion. Politicians have unique techniques to convince people. If people do not know these techniques and ways of various expressions, they will become confused, and politics may fall into populism as a result. To avoid this, a complete understanding of verbal and non-verbal behaviors is needed. This paper presents two analyses. The first analysis is a qualitative analysis that deals with Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and shows that differences between words and happy facial expressions occur. That result indicates that Abe expresses disgusted facial expressions when faced with the same question from an interviewer. The second is a quantitative multiple regression analysis where the dependent variables are six facial expressions: happy, sad, angry, surprised, scared, and disgusted. The independent variable is when politicians have a threat to face. Political interviews that directly inform audiences are used as a tool by politicians. Those interviews play an important role in modelling public opinion. The audience watches political interviews, and these mold support to the party. Watching political interviews contributes to the decision to support the political party when they vote in a coming election.

• The Korean Journal of Health Service Management
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.13-26
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• 2018

Objectives: This study investigated how Korean daily newspapers frame the present government's health insurance coverage expansion policy, Moon Jae-in Care. Methods: A contents analysis was conducted to construct news frames represented in the four Korean daily newspapers' editorials and columns on Moon Jae-in Care during from April 2017 to April 2018. News text was classified into three different layers of frames: expressive element, narrative structure, and implied values. Results: The analysis revealed that the frequency of narrative frames was as follows: health system improvement (20.8%), public burden (14.6%), opposition by doctors (14.6%), and populism (12.5%). The financial sustainability accounted for 41.7% of the value frame, followed by procedural legitimation (18.8%), and coverage expansion (16.7%). The results also revealed that reported frames were different among newspapers: Chosun Ilbo tended to report in a negative tone, while Hankyoreh shinmun and Kyunghyang shinmun used a positive tone. Conclusions: This finding suggests that there are salient framings in reports on Moon Jae-in Care. Based on the results, the government needs to present a detailed financing plan on Moon Jae-in Care in detail. I discussed another implication of media frames results.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.125-147
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• 2020

On the World Refugee Day in 2017, Yao Chen, a Chinese actress, philanthropist, and social media influencer, posted messages in her Weibo in support of the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR). Yet, social media users quickly interpreted this supportive message of the refugee program as encouraging people to "accept and receive refugees" (jieshou nanmin) into China. Particularly, the category of Middle Eastern refugees elicited most criticism in China's cyberspace. As the inclusion of refugees is an integral part of immigrant multiculturalism, this article examines the limits of multicultural imagination of refugees―particularly those from the Middle Eastern and North Africa―in contemporary China. I argue that the limits of multicultural imagination in contemporary China is profoundly shaped by an intricate interweaving of domestic policies and global imaginaries toward refugees. By deploying a mixed methodology, such limits are examined from legal-institutional, ideological, and sociocultural perspectives. More specifically, three interrelated aspects will be highlighted in the article: (1) the global circulation of right-wing populism imaginaries, and their entanglements with the anti-Muslim sentiments in contemporary China; (2) the current insufficiency of the legal-institutional framework regarding refugees and asylum-seekers, which needs to be contextualized in China's modern history of dealing with refugee issues; (3) population politics, the rise of Han-centric nationalism, and their constraining impact on the interpretation of historical events related to cultural diversity. In conclusion, this article also offers potential implications for further examining the different yet potentially intersected genealogies of multicultural imaginaries beyond the Middle Eastern and North African refugees in Asia.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.63 no.8
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• pp.14-26
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to compare and analyze Jacqueline Kennedy and Michelle Obama's fashion style from a perspective of modernism and postmodernism. The method utilized in this study was first, to examine the properties of modernism and postmodernism. Next, we explored the types of role performance of the first ladies and the application of their fashion as an aid to their roles through the precedents of the research concerning modernism and postmodernism. The results of the study are as follows. First, there was a trend of formalism and anti-formalism. Jacqueline Kennedy made her public appearances wearing a formal dress in order to express the first lady's authoritarian figure of restrained elegance. The fashion of the first lady aspired to formalism. Meanwhile, Michelle Obama followed more of a free style by eschewing the typical formality of the first lady. She created diverse styles utilizing a variety of items, which were not interrupted by form or by using heterogeneous items. Second, there is a trend of elitism and populism. While Jacqueline Kennedy preferred only haute couture designers' costume in order to show the prestige and dignity of the upper class, Michelle Obama patronized unknown designers' clothing or mid-level casual brand goods that the public favors in order to interact with the public through her fashion. Third, while modernism regards totality or unity to be important, postmodernism puts an emphasis on the eclecticism by pursuing complexity and diversity through the deconstruction of an indigenous genre. In case of Jacqueline Kennedy, this tendency featured monotone clothing color, which presented a unified full set dress that excluded decoration. Michelle Obama, in contrast, mixed and matched formal dresses and a casual cardigan or felicitously mixed luxury brand or low to middle priced brand goods.

• Hwankyungkyoyuk
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.67-79
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• 2006

Education for Sustainable Development(ESD) is inclined to become popular topics in EE related debates, almost similar to populism, with declaration of UNESCO's Decade OF ESD (DESD). However we can't avoid that development in ESD practically means economic linear progress. Basically UN's declaration is to accomplish worldly task on human civilization, social & environmental problems, including ESSD. ESD is also important means for practicing ESSD, which has proved to be failure since Brutrant Report, owing to uncertain recognition of sustainability which should be something figured out by their surrounding circumstance or the conditions following its community culture, all same around the world. In this circumstance, we need certain identification on ESD globally recognized, no matter with the developing level of economy. But sustainability is usually managed or controlled by economically powered countries, by improving relatively under-development countries's economic conditions for equity. They believe under-development countries's env. problems can't be resolved without securing of economic equity. Under-development countries's economic equity can be come true ? even by another economic super powers. It really means just controlling or management by them. These all controlling process can't secure under-development countries's sustainability. Because it is not something just controlled, characterized as growing up by self-supporting system of ethnic or regional communities. So identification of sustainability in here is , not . Following its identification, we should discuss ESD, and furthermore for real ESD, there is powerful need to change it into ESE (Education for Sustainability & its Economy) to reflect this co-conceptional approach to ESD. And also we need to distinguish the educational contents boundaries among ESD and EE for this. Basically existing EE has been dealing with pollution-oriented or its related social comprehensive subjects, so it seems that EE is not familiar and harmony with ESD contents, however in alternative case I propose in this paper, changing into ESE, it could include almost all of ESD subjects, furthermore practically EE might be same with ESE.