• Korean Security Journal
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• no.6
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• pp.1-46
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• 2003

During the ancient times, there was no separative judicial system and administrative , legislative and judiciary functions were ultimately concentrated in the all-powerful monarch. And the three states developed state organization , adopting hieratical structures and placing at the pinnacle . State Codes were promulgated to initiate a legal system to rule the people, these codes instituted under influence of China codes. The people tradition sees crime control as the preservation of the authority of hereditary rulers. In the period of the Koryeo dynasty, government accepted a serious of detailed penal code from Tang dynasty . Legal response to crime stressed preservation of the dynasty rather than making citizen behave according to certain rules. In the period of Early Joseon , the compilation of Grand Code for state administration was initiated, the Kyeongkuk Taejeon ,became comer stone of the dynastic administration and provided the monarchial system with a sort of constitutional law in written form. This national code was in portant means of criminal policy at that time, Late Joseon , the impact of Western culture entering through China gave further impetus to pragmatic studies which called for socio-economic reforms and readjustment. Approach to criminal justice policy emphasized more equitable operation of the criminal justice system ,rehabilitation and crime control. Korea-Japanese Treaty concluded on 22 August ,1910 and proclaim a week later ,Japan gave the coup de grace to the Korea Empire and changed the office of the Resident - General into the Government - General . Thus korean criminal policy were lost during a dark ages ,which lasted for 36 years after fall of Joseon Dynasty (the colnial period,1910${\sim}$1945). After 1945 Korea's liberation from Japanese colonial rule, the occupation of devided Korea by the United States and Soviet Union frustrated the efforts of Koreans to establish an independent government, and the transplantation of two conflicting political ideologies to south and the north of the 38th parallel further intensified the national split. U.S. military government office occupied the south of the 38 the parallel and placed emphasis on democracy of criminal policy. ln 1948, the U.S. military government handed over to the ROK government its administrative authority.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.34
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• pp.275-305
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• 2006

The main research question of this paper is as follows: How can broadcasting both cause the crisis in democratic participation and yet also offer the solution? The contradiction in broadcast localism has never been adequately resolved in spite of regulation at all in practice, in that localism simply cannot account for the diversity of modern life and for the external forces that incorporate local communities into much larger economic and communications network. The concept of locality in local television, however, has been multiplied and enlarged in order to adjust to "time-space compression". Recently the local television have been "interface" combining and negotiating the globalization of media market and the decentralization of political power, the economies of scale and the activation of local democracy, consequently aiming at the horizontal-cooperative network instead of old vertical-dependent one.

• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.14 no.12
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• pp.89-97
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• 2016

Purpose - In the major global markets, such as US and China, consumer ethnocentrism has been strengtened and there is a growing need for related study. This research aims to investigate the effects of national pride and national attachment on consumer ethnocentrism, using a nationally representative dataset from 2013 Korean General Social Survey. Based on the reviews of literature in social and political sciences, two dimensions of national pride were considered: national society pride which is based on positive evaluations on the nation's democracy condition or social security system, and national achievement pride which is based on positive evaluations regarding the country's achievements in the areas of technology, art, sports, and so on. Research design, data, and methodology - The authors developed a structural model in which two types of national pride, national society and achievement pride, are proposed to affect national attachment, thus influencing consumer ethnocentrism. 1,294 surveys were used for empirical analysis. The hypotheses were tested by utilizing SPSS 22.0 and AMOS 21.0. The unidimensionality of each construct and the nomological validity were supported from the results of factor analyses and correlation analysis. Results - It was found that both national society pride and national achievement pride have significant and positive effects on national attachment. Consumers who show stronger pride on the social systems or the global achievements of Korea are more likely to remain being a citizen of the country and support the country even in wrong. Also, there was a significant and positive relationship between national attachment and consumer ethnocentrism. Korean consumers who have stronger attachment to Korea tend to express higher ethnocentrism to protect Korean labor market and to promote economic development of the country. Conclusions - The findings of this study showed that companies and government need to emphasize the country's advanced social environments or global competitiveness in technology, sports, art, and so on, to boost national attachment. With a deeper understanding on the relationships among national pride, national attachment, and consumer ethnocentrism, the authors expect that both local and foreign companies in Korea will be able to develop more effective marketing strategies and to achieve sustainable competitive advantage.

• Korean Educational Research Journal
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.1-16
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• 2017

The third national curriculum had the characteristics to establish guidelines in history textbooks with the basic direction to implement the charter of national Education. At that time, the object of the history education was 'the harmony with the development of the individuals and national development' which was the same that the authorized government aimed at. But the characters and the purpose were repeated without any criticism. Since the third national curriculum was presented in Korean education, the aims of education proposed the 'Korean style democracy'. Essential aims of education are more important than any political issues because academic research is not reflected on nationalism. This trend which is flowing in the education of Korea was strengthened through the education authorities in the statements of 'Deployment of the Governing' or 'guidelines': Especially, the idea and the history education. Despite the curriculum has been amended several times, these problems are not to be gotten rid of. The recently revised curriculum guidelines for history textbook description should improve and find the way to develope the history thinking of students.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.467-496
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• 2012

Public participation in the decision making for scarce health resources is important because health policy requires trust based consensus, which can be achieved by public's understanding and involvement of related policies. In the past, opportunities for interaction between health policy decision makers and lay public were rare in Korea. As political impulses towards public participation in health policy have increased, a few of deliberation methods were attempted. However, there is little research, reporting such cases with a critical examination of relevant theories and previous studies. We first critically review the literature on public participation within theories of democracy, governance, and empowerment. Next, we report a case of a citizen council experiment, which was held to examine public's preferences among different benefit options regarding new drugs and medical technologies. Specifically, in an one-day long citizen council with a total of 28 lay public, twelve questions of whether a drug or a technology should be included in the benefit package of health insurance were asked. Pre- and post-surveys investigated participants' perception of public engagement in health policy. Although it was experimental, the citizen council ensured that lay public could be careful enough to rationally compare the costs and benefits of different options and collectively make decisions. Further, results from pre- and post-survey showed a strong willingness of members to be involved in health care decision making. In the conclusion, we emphasize that better theories and methods need to be developed for more cases of citizen participation in health care policy and management.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.147
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• pp.1-28
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• 2018

In order to reveal the differentiation of Nietzsche's justice theory, this paper attempted an intrinsic analysis of the political act of establishing a social contract with others through the fundamental concept of "will to the power", and the politics of modern nation including utilitarianism, liberalism and democracy. I will deal with criticism of ideology. In other words, it will be a work to clarify the fictitiousness and errors by digging out the ground of the value of justice as 'genealogical psychology' which strips off the psychological layers hidden behind the name of universal truth called 'virtue'. By dismantling the notion of self-righteous justice based on 'virtue' from 'immorality' as well as 'out of morality', it aims to reveal a new emotional dimension based on love, not retaliation. When Nietzsche emphasizes the role of positive emotions such as 'mercy' and 'forgiveness' rather than negative emotions such as revenge, retaliation, and grudge, while analyzing justice in the dynamics of power relations, By allowing exception rule, we will critically analyze whether universality and consistency are lost.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.144
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• pp.257-283
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• 2017

The purpose of this paper is primarily to examine models of collective decision-formation and decision-making. The goal is to propose a model of decision-formation and decision-making that is appropriate for a democratic society. Habermas distinguishes these models of decision-formation and decision-making by liberal, republican, and deliberative political models according to their justification types. Axel Honneth, on the other hand, is divided into three models of liberalism, proceduralism, and republicanism. I want to divide the model of possible decision-making in democratic society into three, that is, the model based on force, the model based on procedure, and the republican model. This distinction will identify the characteristics of each decision-making model and this confirmation will help us find the best decision-making model for a democratic society. In the end, I will combine the republican model with the procedural model. For this synthesis, I will also propose three conditions in modern society. I will argue that the three conditions of collective intelligence, active freedom, and horizontal networks are necessary.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.325-348
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• 2011

This paper analyses how China is likely to be able to sustain its current pace of growth. The results of analysis show that China's economic growth matches standard growth patterns identified by the models of economic development such as structural change, catching up model. Furthermore, China's economic growth, within these analytical frameworks, matches those of Korea at an earlier stage of her development. So Korea's growth patterns may well apply to the future of China such as the benefits of free society with economics and politics which generate technical progress and innovations. A country with a high innovative capacity is one whose institutions - educational, economic, political, legal, and so forth - allow it to dynamically and continually generate new products and services in a myriad of sectors. These are the way how China is likely to be able to sustain her economic development.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.181-190
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• 2019

Today, in the information society, since the government administration of all countries places importance on clarity and efficiency, the authority concentration of the administration is inevitable. Therefore, the Parliament, which is a legislative body, is at a time when the policy control function to check and monitor it is becoming more important. In particular, due to the emergence of parliamentary democracy, in the reality that the people must elect representatives and represent their own opinions, the parliamentary inspection system is very valuable in that it satisfies the right of the people to know and ultimately enables the people to democratically control the administration. The role of the Parliament moves from the inherent legislative function to the information collection and disclosure of government administration, discussion and resolution of political issues, and observation and supervision of the administration. And it can be seen as the global trend. As a result of this trend, status and role of the National Assembly is being strengthened from the legislative body to the control agency of government administration. Thus, the most substantive authority of Article 61 of the Constitution can be deemed the parliamentary inspection system. The parliamentary inspection system is a system that let exercise the legislation, budget, and authority to control of state administration by identify the challenges and policy implementation of each country's institutions through the audit of the executive administration's overall government administration performance outside the National Assembly. However, due to the amendment of Constitution in 1988, the parliamentary inspection right and investigation of state administration right had reinstated and the parliamentary inspection system, which is being implemented annually, is the 31st year of the year in 2019. However, the general evaluation of the public is negative and insufficient time for inspections, lack of sanctions on nonattendance witnesses, excessive data submission, and refusal to submit materials by the administration were pointed out as the problem. Therefore, in this paper, the researcher tries to point out the overall problems of the parliamentary inspection system and to summarize the effective improvement plans.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.53
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• pp.25-49
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• 2018

This study describes how Mishima Yukio applied various classical motifs in his novel, Spring Snow, to reproduce the world of "Miyabi" of the Heian era. First of all, the author's perception of Japanese culture, focusing on his various critiques and essays was studied. Based on Mishima's cultural theory, analysis revealed that Spring Snow was not based on specific works of the Heian era, but rather on the use of the story form from that era. The background of this novel was the early Taisho era. This period coincided with Japan's political transformation from military power to democracy, and miyabi, or elegance. Finally, the title of this work, "Spring Snow" is an expression found in Kinotsurayuki' Waka in Kokinshu. It represents not only the vanity possessed by the "Spring Snow" reflected in the novel, but also fascination with the beauty of Tsurayuki' Waka.