• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.133-165
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• 2009

'Travelogue to Shenyang(瀋陽日記)' is a documentary literature that Seon Yak-hae (宣若海) who was a military official of Joseon(朝鮮) Dynasty, described matters happened in Shenyang when he visited there as an envoy during early 17th century when Qing(淸) Dynasty and Ming(明) Dynasty coexisted and had diplomatic conflict with Joseon Dynasty. This documentary literature is included in the data collection of China that gathers important historical data of China and has been published and delivered in China, but it hasn't caught attention in Korean academic society. There's another 'Travelogue to Shenyang' which is known in the academic society that is a record of eight years of hostage period of Crown Prince Sohyeon and his group in Shenyang. However, this 'Travelogue to Shenyangl' of Seon Yak-hae is a record of Joseon and other countries' status at that time as well as the Joseon intellectual's activities while visiting Shenyang before the outbreak of the Manchurian Invasion (to Korea) in 1636. Seon Yak-hae who wrote this 'Travelogue to Shenyang' recorded his successful works as an envoy with proud, and showed a unique appearance as a military official and intellect who wanted to observe political and military status of Qing Dynasty secretly and report to his country. Since he was an intellect who had military background, he responded bravely when dealing with diplomatic problem and collected data strategically. He also had the ability as an intellectual official, so he wrote realistic articles and also wrote some poems to express his honest feelings in this peculia Travelogue. Therefore, this ' Travelogue to Shenyang' has both values as a historic records that showed diplomatic status of Joseon in the 17th century and literature records that showed unique spirit to record as an intellect who also had military mind.

• Journal of Ecology and Environment
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.259-272
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• 2022

Background: The Korean Peninsula exhibits a characteristic graded floral distribution, with northern (Manchurian flora) and southern (China-Japan-Korea flora) lineage species coexisting according to climatic and topographical characteristics. However, this distribution has been altered by climate change. To identify ecosystem changes caused by climate change and develop appropriate measures, the current ecological status of the entire Korean Peninsula should first be determined; however, analysis of the current floral distribution in North Korea has been hampered for political reasons. To overcome these limitations, this study constructed a database of floral distributions in both South and North Korea by integrating spatial information from the previously established National Ecological Survey in South Korea and geocoding data from the literature on biological distributions published in North Korea. It was then applied to analyze the current status and distribution characteristics of Manchurian and China-Japan-Korea plant species on the Korean Peninsula. Results: In total, 45,877 cases were included in the Manchurian and China-Japan-Korea floral distribution database. China-Japan-Korea species were densely distributed on Jeju-do and along the southern coast of the Korean Peninsula. The distribution density decreased as the latitude increased, and the distributions reached higher-latitude regions in the coastal areas compared with the inland regions. Manchurian species were distributed throughout North Korea, while they were densely distributed in the refugia formed in the high-elevation mountain regions and the Baekdudaegan in South Korea. In the current distribution of biomes classified according to the Whittaker method, subtropical and endemic species were densely distributed in temperate seasonal forest and woodland/shrubland biomes, whereas boreal species were densely distributed in the boreal forest biome Korean Peninsula, with a characteristic gradation of certain species distributed in the temperate seasonal forest biome. Factor analysis showed that temperature and latitude were the main factors influencing the distribution of flora on the Korean Peninsula. Conclusions: The findings reported herein on the current floral distribution trends across the entire Korean Peninsula will prove valuable got mitigating the ecological disturbances caused by ongoing climate change. Additionally, the gathered flora data will serve as a basis for various follow-up studies on climate change.

• Korean Association of Arts Management
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• no.49
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• pp.117-147
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• 2019

Many cities are utilizing their cultural capital as a means for urban regeneration and tourist attraction. Museums form an essential component in these culture-based urban regeneration efforts, the Guggenheim Bilbao being a frequently cited example of success. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has benchmarked the Bilbao case study as they were looking for alternative income-generating industries in the post-oil era, embarking on a city-building project on the Saadiyat Island where resorts and cultural institutions of massive scale are being constructed. The Louvre Abu Dhabi and the Guggenheim Abu Dhabi were pursued under this scheme, aiming at attracting tourism and elevating their status in the region as a cultural capital. This study examines the political, economic, and cultural background behind the Saadiyat city project and the pending issues behind the construction of the Guggenheim Abu Dhabi. This study purports that besides funding and an ambitious plan, social and cultural developments in the region over time will be essential for a successful localization of a Western brand museum in the region.

• Korea Science and Art Forum
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• v.16
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• pp.157-169
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• 2014

Lake Biwa Canal was a dream project that reminds us the passion and innovation of Kyoto Citizens more than water supply. It is a modernization project combining engineering knowledge and scientific technology, which started transportation by ship through big-scale civil construction as well as supplying electricity as the first waterpower plant in Japan, and it overcame the physiographic limit through adopting unique method of waterway transportation. Lake Biwa Canal, which has tangible and intangible culture heritage value as the traditional space of Kyoto, the Old Capital of 1200 years, conceives a cultural meaning that is connected through various mutual relation as well as scientific technologic factor. Lake Biwa Canal is not only the function for supplying water to gardens and temples of Kyoto region, but it is also a cultural fruit that is formed by complex causal relationship of various contents such as geographical and environmental background, the phases of the times, local development policy, political circumstances and religions. This study is aimed at interpreting the value of Lake Biwa Canal multilaterally by the convergence of cultural and technological aspects through the view of the world which the age tried to pursue, focusing on the construction of Lake Biwa Canal which was accomplished in the process of promoting the modernization of Kyoto.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.311-324
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• 2023

Background: Long-term care insurance for the elderly has been stably established along with the quantitative expansion of long-term care facilities. Indeed, the need for a paradigm about human rights-based service approach is being raised throughout society from a service perspective. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze the association between elderly human rights awareness and quality of service by considering human rights education as a moderate variable. Methods: This study conducted surveys with 138 caregivers working in long-term care facilities located in Seoul and Gangwon. General characteristics, awareness of human rights, and the level of service quality were examined using descriptive statistics, frequency analysis, and correlation analysis. And multi-variable linear regression with a hierarchical framework was employed. These analyses were performed using IBM SPSS ver. 25.0. Results: Of the 138 caregivers, 97.1% were female, 87.7% were more than 50 years old, and most of their education level was high-school graduates. Their length of employment ranged from more than 5 years to less than 10 years. The level of awareness regarding elderly human rights of the elderly was below normal (mean=2.21), but the quality of service was high (mean=4.21), and the need for human rights education was also high (mean=4.28). Among the general characteristics, the length of employment was significantly associated with awareness of elderly human rights. Moreover, political rights awareness, included as sub-domains of human rights, was positively associated with quality of service. However, the moderating variable, human rights education, was not significantly associated with the quality of service. Conclusion: In this study, human rights education, as a moderating variable, did not have a statistically significant effect on caregivers' human rights awareness in relation to service quality. This finding is inconsistent with previous research results. These results can be explained by the fact that the frequency of education in long-term care facilities was a significant factor in the practice of protecting the human rights of the elderly. Therefore ongoing encouragement for the frequency of current human rights education and improvements in the educational approach appear to be necessary. In addition, these findings reveal the need for strength of education policies and effective in-depth research about human rights and quality of service to respect the human rights of the elderly.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.115-144
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• 2023

Under the Trump administration, the U.S. has made clear that "China is America's strategic competitor, revisionist power and a major challenge to America's prosperity and security." The Biden administration has largely inherited this perception of China. China has also responded without backing down. Therefore, the U.S.-China strategic competition has become the most important background factor in the international system and has a great impact on the security situation in Northeast Asia. Nevertheless, if you look at the recent process of establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, we can find that ROK's foreign strategy adjustment has played a key role. This is because establishing trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan depends on improving ROK-Japan relations. And the Yoon Suk Yeol government is pushing for rapid improvement in ROK-Japan relations regardless of domestic political constraints. The trilateral summit at Camp David laid the groundwork for future cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan in security and other broader areas. China is strongly dissatisfied with the formation of trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan. However, this paper argues that although ROK agrees to form trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan, ROK's strategic objectives are not exactly the same as those of the U.S. and Japan. For example, looking back at the development of the U.S.-Japan alliance after the end of the Cold War, both the U.S. and Japan share similar views and perceptions of China's rise. The real goal of the strengthening of the U.S.-Japan alliance in recent years is also how to cope with China's rise. On the other hand, ROK's previous administrations have been negative about trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan. This is because ROK's main strategic goal is to reduce or eliminate threats from DPRK rather than respond to China. Faced with increasing DPRK's provocations and threats, more than half of South Koreans are in favor of reinforcing trilateral security cooperation with the U.S. and Japan to contain or mitigate threats from DPRK. As a result, if North Korea's nuclear and missile threats to ROK continue, then ROK's foreign strategy is likely to be to strengthen trilateral security cooperation between the U.S. and Japan to ensure its own safety and survival. If China wants to reduce the strategic pressure from the trilateral security cooperation among ROK, the U.S. and Japan, the best way is to reduce DPRK's provocations and threats to ROK and play a more substantive role in getting DPRK to give up its nuclear program.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.25-31
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• 2023

The dispute over the Northern Limit Line in the West Sea has been sharply opposed since the U.N. commander set it in August 1953 with the aim of preventing accidental armed conflict between the two Koreas in the waters of the Korean Peninsula. In 2022, for the first time since the division, North Korea made a missile provocation beyond the NLL. The purpose of this study is to identify how the research on the NLL, which is under way by North Korea's actual provocation, has been conducted and to suggest a direction to proceed. This study examined the trend of research using a total of five academic information DBs, including RISS and Scholar, focusing on academic papers studied on NLL from 1998 to 2023. As a result of examining the current status of each year, field, and research method, significant differences in research volume were identified according to the government's relationship with North Korea, and the research field had the most introduction of the concept of NLL and historical background, confirming the need to expand to more diverse fields to have international legal justification and justification for the NLL, considering the changing international environment according to the logic of power. In terms of final research methods, most of them were literature studies, so the need for quantitative research using interviews, surveys, and big data was also found. It is hoped that the analysis results of this paper will play a positive role in setting the research direction for the international response of the NLL in the future amid the interests of the international political environment that is still ongoing.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.267-272
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• 2024

Recently, major advanced countries are fostering megacities through policy for reasons such as solving population problems, political and economic issues, and strengthening national competitiveness. The trend of change is accelerating. In Korea, following Seoul and Gyeonggi, mega city policies are being promoted in Busan, Ulsan, Gyeongnam, Daegu and Gyeongbuk, Gwangju and Jeonnam, and Daejeon, Sejong, South Chungcheong and North Chungcheong areas. Due to this urbanization phenomenon, military experts predict that the future battlefield environment will be space or a large city (mega city). From this perspective, Korea will not be able to effectively respond to the threats facing megacities if it does not prepare in advance. Therefore, underground facility operation capabilities optimized for the huge scale of the mega city and the characteristics of the underground operational environment are required. Against this background, the characteristics of the underground operational environment of mega cities and cases of preparation for underground facility operations in advanced military countries such as the United States and Israel were analyzed. Based on this, the capabilities required for underground facility operations suitable for the underground operational environment within Korean megacities are developed from an idea perspective to military organization and combat system, securing special equipment and materials to ensure combatant survival, developing small unit combat techniques, and establishing a training system. It was presented with priority given to.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.137-167
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• 2024

This study sought to explain the reasons why the civic education bill failed to be enacted as many as 13 times. What we discovered as a result of our research is, first, the absence of a legislative strategy by the minority member of the national assembly on this bills. The Citizenship Education Bill was a controversial bill with great potential for ideological conflict, and after the 19th National Assembly, this bill was promoted by a minority of a specific political party. The Democratic Party's sponsoring lawmakers did not use active legislative strategies, such as exerting influence within the party to have these bills adopted as the party's platform, or developing them into major pledges for the general and presidential elections. Second, there is a consistent passive response from civic groups as well as lawmakers who signed the bill in an unfavorable public opinion environment. During the legislative process, opposing opinions were overwhelming, including concerns about the spread of leftist ideology, waste of budget and organization, and violation of neutrality and fairness in education. In addition, the passive attitude of field teachers and civic groups, who should be in charge of civic education, also served as a background for the legislative failure. Third, due to a lack of sharing of reliable information on recent theoretical research and global policy trends among stakeholders, legislation through an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties failed.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.5
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• pp.307-314
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• 2024

For us, as 2023 marked the 70th anniversary of the signing of the Armistice Agreement, it provided an opportunity to reflect once again on the potential for transitioning the armistice into a peace treaty, officially ending the Korean War, and establishing a peace regime that could promote peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. Since the Geneva Conference of 1954, North Korea has made various statements regarding a peace treaty. It can be seen that North Korea aimed to strengthen its own power and achieve a balance of power by entering into a peace treaty with South Korea or the U.S. This paper aims to examine the reasons why North Korea, a signatory of the Armistice Agreement of 1953, became interested in forging a peace treaty and to establish the foundation of how North Korea's discourse on a peace treaty has changed over time. By examining cases of North Korea's proposals for an inter-Korean or a North Korea-U.S. peace treaty since the 1954 Political Conference to the period from the 1950s to the 1990s, this paper seeks to explain the background behind North Korea's peace treaty discourse and to consider the implications of these changes for South Korea and the U.S., which would be parties to such a peace treaty. Additionally, the paper aims to explore the implications for South Korea and the United States, not only in relation to North Korea but also considering the United Nations Command and the ROK-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty, when entering into a peace treaty with North Korea.