• 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.103-122
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• 2012

오늘날 우주과학과 기술의 급격한 발달로 선진국을 비롯한 국제사회에서는 우주활동을 통한 다양한 서비스와 이익을 제공되는 반면, 각종 우주물체의 충돌과 폐기물 증가 등으로 인해 인류의 활동과 우주환경 보존면에서 피해발생 가능성이 높아지고 있다. 우주활동으로 인한 사고 및 위험으로부터 피해를 입은 자에게 정당하고 충분한 배상을 해주기 위해 현재의 국제법 질서를 형성하고 있는 우주조약과 우주책임협약의 내용을 먼저 검토하고, 이를 토대로 배상의 핵심적인 요건이 되고 있는 손해의 개념과 범위를 제시하였다. 손해의 개념은 육체적 침해만이 아니라 정신적 사회적 안녕의 침해가 포함된다고 보아야 할 것이다. 따라서 고통을 수반하는 정신적 침해도 당연히 손해의 범주에 포함된다고 할 수 있을 것이다. 따라서 책임협약상 인적 손해로는 사망은 물론 우주활동의 결과로 희생자들이 입은 육체적, 정신적 손해에 대해 직접손해이던 간접손해이던 배상할 의무가 있다. 이 근거에 의해 실제로 피해 배상을 청구할 때 그 피해자는 사고가 일어나지 않았던 상태로 회복하는 것이 최선의 보상이라는 개념과 연결된다고 볼 수 있다. 아울러, 환경오염의 배상 가능성, 위성자료 전송과 관련된 문제, 손해발생의 장소 등과 같은 문제들에 대한 논의를 시도하였다. 또한, 우주법재판소와 지역적 협력 기구를 설립하는 방안을 제안한다.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권5호
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• pp.173-202
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• 2007

After successful nuclear tests Pakistan launched a more severe surprise attack toward India than before. It is highly possible that North Korea will adopt this Pakistan military strategy if it is armed with nuclear weapons. The North Korean forces armed, with nuclear bombs could make double its war capability through strengthening aggressive force structure and come into effect on blocking reinforcement of the US forces at the initial phase of war time. Therefore we may regard that Pyongyang's nuclear arming is a major one of various factors which increase possibility of waging a conventional warfare or a nuclear war. North Korea's high self-confidence after nuclear arming will heighten tension on the Korean Peninsula via aggressive military threat or terror toward South Korea, and endeavor to accomplish its political purpose via low-intensity conflicts. For instance, nuclear arming of the Pyongyang regime enforces the North Korean forces to invade the Northern Limit Line(NLL), provoke naval battles at the West Sea, and occupy one or two among the Five Islands at the West Sea. In that case, the South Korean forces will be faced with a serious dilemma. In order to recapture the islands, Seoul should be ready for escalating a war. However it is hard to imagine that South Korea fights with North Korea armed with nuclear weapons. This paper concludes that the Pyongyang regime after nuclear arming strongly tends to occupy superiority of military strategy and wage military provocations on the Korean Peninsula.

• 한국군사과학기술학회지
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• 제14권3호
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• pp.441-457
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• 2011

In this study, the axiomatic design(AD) method is applied to construct the hierarchical structure of evaluation criteria and the AHP method is used to calculate the weights of criteria in order to develop the proposal evaluation index for the overseas weapon system purchasing projects. The common evaluation items as main categories are selected through the review of evaluation criteria from the previous works and projects, relevant regulations and defense policy, and the design matrix using fuzzy concept is established and evaluated by the expert group in each design phase to determine the independency, that is the satisfaction of decoupled or uncoupled design, for each criteria in the same hierarchy when they are derived from the main categories. The establishment of decoupled or uncoupled design matrix provides mutually exclusiveness of how small number of DPs can be accounted for FRs within the same hierarchy. The proposal evaluation index developed in this study will be used as a general proposal evaluation index for the overseas weapon system purchasing projects which there are no systematically established evaluation tools.

• 지역연구
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.65-78
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• 1993

In this study, the significant and enduring concentration of federal R&D spending in metro-scale clusters across the nation is treated as evidence of the operation of a distinct industrial infrastructure defined by the ability of R&D performers to attract external funding and pursue the sophisticated project work demanded. It follows, then, that the agglomerative potential of these R&D concentrations -- performers and their support infrastructures -- requires a search for economic impacts guided by a different stimulative effects attributable to federal R&D spending may be that substantial subnational economic impacts are routinely obscured and diluted by research designs that seek to discover impacts either at the level of nation-scale economic aggregates or on firms or specific industries organized spatially. Therefore, this study proceeds by seeking to link the locational clustering of federal contract R&D spending to more localized economic impacts. It tests a series of models(X-IV) designed to trace federal contract R&D spending flows to economic impacts registered at the level of metro-regional economies. By shifting the focus from funding sources to recipient types and then to sector-specific impacts, the patterns of consistent results become increasingly compelling. In general, these results indicated that federal R&D spending does indeed nurture the development of an important nation-spanning advanced industrial production and R&D infrastructure anchored primarily by two dozed or so metro-regions. However, dominated as it is by a strong defense-industrial orientation, federal contract R&D spending would appear to constitute a relatively inefficient national economic development policy, at least as registered on conventional indicators. Federal contract R&D destined for the support of nondefense/civilian(Model I), nonprofit(Model II), and educational/research(Mode III) R&D agendas is associated with substantially greater regional employment and income impacts than is R&D funding disbursed by the Department of Defense. While federal R&D support from DOD(Model I) and for-profit(Model II) and industrial performer(Model III) contract R&D agendas are associated with positive regional economic impacts, they are substantially smaller than those associated with performers operating outside the defense industrial base. Moreover, evidence that the large-business sector mediates a small business sector(Model VI) justifies closer scrutiny of the relative contribution to economic growth and development made by these two sectors, as well as of the primacy typically accorded employment change as a conventional economic performance indicator. Ultimately, those regions receiving federal R&D spending have experienced measurable employment and income gains as a result. However, whether or not those gains could be improved by changing the composition -- and therefore the primary missions -- of federal R&D spending cannot be decided by merely citing evidence of its economic impacts of the kind reported here. Rather, that decision turns on a prior public choice relating to the trade-offs deemed acceptable between conventional employment and income gains, the strength of a nation's industrial base not reflected in such indicators, and the reigning conception of what constitutes national security -- military might or a competitive civilian economy.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권13호
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• pp.687-738
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• 2016

To prepare for the complicated international relationship regarding Korean Peninsula after reunification, this thesis started off with the awareness that Unified Korea should build its international posture and national security at an early stage by determining its appropriate military strength for independent defense and military strategies that Unified Korea should aim. The main theme of this thesis is 'The research on appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military'. To derive appropriate military strength of Unified Korea, this research focuses on conflict scenario and relative balance strategy based on potential threats posed by neighboring countries, and this is the part that differentiates this research from other researches. First of all, the main objective of the research is to decide appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to secure defense sufficiency. For this, this research will decide efficient military strategy that Unified Korea should aim. Than by presuming the most possible military conflict scenario, this research will judge the most appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to overcome the dispute. Second, after deciding appropriate military strength, this research will suggest how to operate presumed military strength in each armed force. The result of this thesis is as in the following. First, Unified Korea should aim 'relative balance strategy'. 'Relative balance strategy' is a military strategy which Unified Korea can independently secure defense sufficiency by maintaining relative balance when conflicts occur between neighboring countries. This strategy deters conflicts in advance by relative balance of power in certain time and place. Even if conflict occurs inevitably, this strategy secures initiative. Second, when analyzing neighboring countries interest and strategic environment after unification, the possibility of all-out war will be low in the Korean Peninsula because no other nation wants the Korean Peninsula to be subordinated to one single country. Therefore appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military would be enough when Unified Korea can achieve relative balance in regional war or limited war. Third, Northeast Asia is a region where economic power and military strength is concentrated. Despite increasing mutual cooperation in the region, conflicts and competition to expand each countries influence is inherent. Japan is constantly enhancing their military strength as they aim for normal statehood. China is modernizing their military strength as they aspire to become global central nation. Russia is also enhancing their military strength in order to hold on to their past glory of Soviet Union as a world power. As a result, both in quality and quantity, the gap between military strength of Unified Korea and each neighboring countries is enlarged at an alarming rate. Especially in the field of air-sea power, arms race is occurring between each nation. Therefore Unified Korea should be equipped with appropriate military strength in order to achieve relative balance with each threats posed by neighboring countries. Fourth, the most possible conflicts between Unified Korea and neighboring countries could be summarized into four, which are Dokdo territorial dispute with Japan, Leodo jurisdictional dispute with China, territorial dispute concerning northern part of the Korea Peninsula with China and disputes regarding marine resources and sea routes with Russia. Based on those conflict scenarios, appropriate military strength for Unified Korea is as in the following. When conflict occurs with Japan regarding Dokdo, Japan is expected to put JMSDF Escort Flotilla 3, one out of four of its Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force Escort Fleet, which is based in Maizuru and JMSDF Maizuru District. To counterbalance this military strength, Unified Korea needs one task fleet, comprised with three task flotilla. In case of jurisdictional conflict with China concerning Leodo, China is expected to dispatch its North Sea fleet, one out of three of its naval fleet, which is in charge of the Yellow Sea. To response to this military action, Unified Korea needs one task fleet, comprised with three task flotilla. In case of territorial dispute concerning northern part of the Korean Peninsula with China, it is estimated that out of seven Military Region troops, China will dispatch two Military Region troops, including three Army Groups from Shenyang Military Region, where it faces boarder with the Korean Peninsula. To handle with this military strength, Unified Korea needs six corps size ground force strength, including three corps of ground forces, two operational reserve corps(maneuver corps), and one strategic reserve corps(maneuver corps). When conflict occurs with Russia regarding marine resources and sea routes, Russia is expected to send a warfare group of a size that includes two destroyers, which is part of the Pacific Fleet. In order to balance this strength, Unified Korea naval power requires one warfare group including two destroyers. Fifth, management direction for the Unified Korean military is as in the following. Regarding the ground force management, it would be most efficient to deploy troops in the border area with china for regional and counter-amphibious defense. For the defense except the border line with china, the most efficient form of force management would be maintaining strategic reserve corps. The naval force should achieve relative balance with neighboring countries when there is maritime dispute and build 'task fleet' which can independently handle long-range maritime mission. Of the three 'task fleet', one task fleet should be deployed at Jeju base to prepare for Dokdo territorial dispute and Leodo jurisdictional dispute. Also in case of regional conflict with china, one task fleet should be positioned at Yellow Sea and for regional conflict with Japan and Russia, one task fleet should be deployed at East Sea. Realistically, Unified Korea cannot possess an air force equal to neither Japan nor China in quantity. Therefore, although Unified Korea's air force might be inferior in quantity, they should possess the systematic level which Japan or China has. For this Unified Korea should build air base in island areas like Jeju Island or Ullenong Island to increase combat radius. Also to block off infiltration of enemy attack plane, air force needs to build and manage air bases near coastal areas. For landing operation forces, Marine Corps should be managed in the size of two divisions. For island defense force, which is in charge of Jeju Island, Ulleung Island, Dokdo Island and five northwestern boarder island defenses, it should be in the size of one brigade. Also for standing international peace keeping operation, it requires one brigade. Therefore Marine Corps should be organized into three divisions. The result of the research yields a few policy implications when building appropriate military strength for Unified Korea. First, Unified Korea requires lower number of ground troops compared to that of current ROK(Republic of Korea) force. Second, air-sea forces should be drastically reinforced. Third, appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military should be based on current ROK military system. Forth, building appropriate military strength for Unified Korea should start from today, not after reunification. Because of this, South Korea should build a military power that can simultaneously prepare for current North Korea's provocations and future threats from neighboring countries after reunification. The core of this research is to decide appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to realize relative balance that will ensure defense sufficiency from neighboring countries threats. In other words, this research should precisely be aware of threats posed by neighboring countries and decide minimum level of military strength that could realize relative balance in conflict situation. Moreover this research will show the path for building appropriate military strength in each armed force.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제14권1호
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• pp.11-21
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• 2014

한국은 과거처럼 국제관계의 예속자가 아니라 명실상부한 중견국으로서, 북한의 핵과 재래전 도발위협을 극복하고 동북아지역의 평화를 유지하는 '균형자' 역할을 할 수 있도록 군사력을 건설해야 한다. 군사력 건설을 통해 다양한 안보위협에 대한 억제력 발휘가 가능하다. 군사적 억제력 발휘를 위해 첫 번째로 '선제적 억제'(deterrence by preemptive)와 '응징적 억제'(deterrence by punishment)는 현재와 미래의 위협에 대비하여 '감시정찰체계와 지휘통제체계'(C41SR)를 공통전력으로 공격무기체계를 결합한 '공격체계 축'을 건설함으로써 달성할 수 있다. 두 번째로 '거부적 억제'(deterrence by denial)는 공통전력과 방어무기체계를 결합한 '방어체계 축'을 건설함으로써 달성할 수 있다. 마지막으로 자주적으로 첨단전력을 개발하기 위해서는 기존의 방위산업과 연구개발 역량을 통합하여 '인프라 축'을 구축해야 한다. 우리는 미래 한국군의 군사력을 건설함에 있어서 정부의 균형자 역할에 대한 국가적 비젼, 이에 대한 국민적 합의를 토대로 본고에서 제시한 군사력 건설 모형에 따른 일관성 있는 정책적인 노력과 신념이 반드시 필요하다.

• 한국항행학회논문지
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• 제25권3호
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• pp.242-247
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• 2021

미국, 중국, 러시아 등 우주 선진국들은 일반적인 지상기반의 우주능력뿐만 아니라 해상기반의 우주능력도 보유하고 있다. 해상기반 우주시스템에는 해상기반 우주감시시스템, 해상기반 우주발사체, 해상기반 우주정보 송·수신 시스템 등이 있으며, 이러한 해상기반의 시스템들은 지상기반의 우주시스템들을 보완해주는 역할을 한다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 주요국가의 해상기반 우주능력을 분석하고, 이를 토대로 우리나라의 해상기반 우주능력의 발전방향을 제안한다. 삼면이 바다인 우리나라의 지리적 특성상 해상기반의 우주시스템은 필수적이며, 우주분야 7대강국으로 발돋움하기 위한 중요한 전략적 요소라고 판단된다.

• 한국항행학회논문지
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• 제25권4호
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• pp.267-272
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• 2021

한미 미사일 지침 종료를 계기로 공중, 해상기반의 다양한 플랫폼에 의한 우주발사체 개발 가능성이 열렸다. 특히, 공중기반 우주발사체는 지상기반 우주발사체 대비 다양한 궤도 운용, 적시적인 위성발사 등 한반도의 지리적 위치를 고려할 때 필수적인 우주전력투사 능력이다. 또한, 지상기반 발사체 대비 비용절감 효과가 크고, 항공기의 고도, 속도의 이점으로 발사할 수 있어 에너지 이득의 장점이 있다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 한반도의 전략적 환경하에서 공중기반 우주발사체의 필요성을 명확히 제시하고, 다양한 공중발사체에 대한 기술동향 분석을 통해서 현재의 우리나라 상황에서 가장 효율적으로 공중기반 우주발사체 능력을 확보할 수 있는 3가지 방안을 제시한다.

• 한국경제지리학회지
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• 제25권4호
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• pp.568-582
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• 2022

본 연구는 정부의 국방개혁 2.0에 따른 군부대 이전 및 해체로 인한 지역의 문제를 파악하고 현황을 살펴보았다. 이를 통해 접경지역의 군 유휴지 활용에 대한 논의와 도시재생 등을 통한 지역 활성화 방안을 모색하여 향후 지역발전의 정책적 시사점을 제공하고자 한다. 군 유휴지의 활용과 관리를 위해서는 첫째, 민·관·군의 거버넌스의 구축을 통해 군부대와 지역사회의 상생발전이 이루어져야 한다. 둘째, 접경지역과 군 유휴지 관련 법·제도의 검토 및 개선이 수반되어야 한다. 셋째, 접경지역의 특수성을 반영한 다양한 아이디어와 정책이 수립되어야 한다. 마지막으로 본 연구는 향후 접경지역의 특수성을 반영하여 지속가능한 유휴지의 효율적 활용과 관리에 대한 함의를 제공하였다.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제14권4호
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• pp.27-52
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• 2011

키르기스스탄은 다자간 안보시스템에 의존한 군사안보 확보와 등거리 외교를 통한 국가안보를 국가정책의 주요 목표로 두고 추진하고 있다. 부연하자면, 중앙아시아의 소국으로서 자주권의 확립과 국가발전이라는 과제를 추진하기 위하여 나름의 군사안보정책을 통하여 해결점을 찾으려 한다는 것이다. 그러나 한 국가가 단순히 외교와 외부의 안보시스템에 의존하여 국가의 자주성과 발전을 담보할 수는 없을 것이다. 이 논문에서는 키르기스스탄의 국방력과 군사력을 해부해 봄으로써 키르기스스탄이 최소한의 자위적 차원의 국방력을 가지고 있는가를 살펴보는 것과 국방력 증강에 대한 가능성을 살펴보는 것이 중요하다고 본다. 해양세력과 대륙세력, 그 양대 세력의 신-그레이트 게임속에서 등거리외교와 다자간 안보협력기구를 통하여 국가자주성을 확보해 나가는 균형 외교전략의 한계와 미래를 살펴봄으로서 앞으로의 키르기스스탄 독립과 자주 문제를 파악, 예측 해 보는 것이 본 논문의 목적이다.