• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.52
• /
• pp.90-110
• /
• 2010

This study problematizes the youth‘s politico-cultural process of identification as becoming in the context of candle demonstration in Seoul, 2008. We examine their ethical subjectivity, communicative subjectivity and political subjectivity based on our analysis of depth interviews of teenage activists in the candle demonstrations. It is suggested that instead of naming the teens as the historical consequence of so-called 386 generation, or social product in the neo-liberal economic and educational conditions, we need to understand the complexities and dynamics of the youth’s practice of identity politics: subjective pain and anxiety in daily life, creation and sharing of pleasure and fun of peer group comunication are mixed into the pursuit of justice in their social activation of generation/gender politics.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.23 no.2
• /
• pp.37-66
• /
• 2017

Massive civic protests and consequent presidential impeachment requires a serious revisiting to democratic theories of Korean democracy. This paper explores the strengths and limitations of macro and micro approaches. Changes in democratic realities was manifested on three fronts. First, the rise of new political subject, that is, participants to massive protest. Second, changing nexus between representative institutions and civic protests. Third, parliamentarization of presidential democracy. Specifically macro approach has changed its negative assessment of democracy into positive evaluation. Macro theory has to revisit it's notion of 'minjung' to cope with the rise of new subject. Also macro approach has to struggle with the declining role of civic organizations and political activists. Micro approach has to deal with new mode of networking among citizens and to unravel the evolving relation between democratic institutions and civic protests. In sum, theories need to expand the analytic scope, to revitalize analytic tools and to rebalance value judgment and analytical efforts.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.142
• /
• pp.121-143
• /
• 2017

This research aims at examining two classist theories of the subject, elaborated by Negri-Hardt and $Ranci{\grave{e}}re$. Negri-Hardt proposed a new subject of the multitude, established by immaterial/biopolitical labor. This subject marks a new constitution of the proletariat which is the subject of Marxist politics. Like the proletariat, the multitude is established by economic objectivity. The democracy of the multitude becomes possible through the production of the 'common'. Economical elements always dominate the subject itself and subjective politics. The subject of the demos, established by Ranciere, is a party which claims its share in the dominating order of power. It is a subject subtracted from the logic of domination. The demos, therefore, is the subject which is constituted at the moment of the refusal of the established order and the place distributed. This refusal means a kind of subjectivity that transforms the dominating order. Then we take demos as the proper political subject subtracted from economical objectivity.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.36
• /
• pp.198-230
• /
• 2006

The aim of the this study is to observer paradoxal phenomenon in media election. The media, especially Television, was traditionally a journalistic operation representing political events on the outside of political camp. But recently, it intervenes to 'the political camp' as the most important method for election campaign. A centripetal of electronic medias making the dominant political space offer an alternative plan which get over the modern crisis of representative democracy. Even though, to the production of the political symbol and the operation of symbol which constitute substantial system of political action, the human being subject is excluded and the technical system of communication make up a govern structure. So it makes the contradictory situation. TV broadcast for election campaigning show well this paradoxal situation. The institutionalization of electoral broadcasting oriented by the State strengthens an immensification, an economical and political efficiency and a transparency of electoral campaign. But the means which controls the mind of public is also strengthened. It relates the production and circulation of the political symbol and the symbolic image restricted by dominator. In conclusion, this study argues that the media election is institutionalized by the instrumental reason(procedural rationality of politics and technological rationality of broadcasting), therefore the candidate take a fragment roles for the production of transcendental political symbol and the voters accommodate to the symbolic images which are foreseen and they judge.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.102-121
• /
• 2021

Financial geography is an evolving subdiscipline in economic geography. This paper identifies and reviews three important 'waves' constitutive of the current state of financial geography: including the 'first' wave before 1990s when finance was regarded as a byproduct of the over-accumulation process in production sphere in the Marxist geographical political economy tradition; the 'second' wave in the mid-1990s during which financial geography was firmly established as a subdiscipline, influenced by the cultural turn and poststructuralist thoughts; and the most recent 'third' wave after the 2008~2009 global financial crisis that urged financial geographers to take power and politics more seriously and 're-politicize' with the analytical ideas of governmentality and financial subjectification from a neo-Foucauldian perspective. These waves have helped financial geography become a practice-oriented academic discourse, in which different philosophical thoughts, foci of analytical level and object, renditions of the subject, perceptions of power and politics, and geographies of finance and financialization coexist and also compete and contest one another.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.24 no.3
• /
• pp.179-209
• /
• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.8 no.5
• /
• pp.207-214
• /
• 2008

This research analysis politic knowledge, politic awareness and politic socialization medium which influenced forming politic awareness for high school students. This purpose is that we find politic awareness of teenagers and how we teach politic education for teenagers effectively. After analysis, we found that awareness formed through home, school, colleague group and mess media influence teenagers to make their important factor of forming politic and administration and awareness level of politic and administration.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.43 no.4
• /
• pp.599-619
• /
• 2008

Korean peninsula has a long history and a geopolitical location as a buffer tone, which has provided the conditions for cultural dynamism and diversity across space and time. The changing processes of place names in Korea is considered to be better suited to the study on cultural politics that is interested in the culture wars over the meaning of culture among different social subjects. In order to ensure the legitimacy of cultural politics for the study of place names in Korea, this study attempts to make a theoretical construction based on the concepts of place identity, territorial contestation, and the politics of scale. Cultural and linguistic theories to be best applied to the study of place names in Korea are the theories on Angehm's and Castells' identity, $P{\hat{e}}cheux's$ identification, Hall's decoding, and Voloshinov's ideological sign. Power relations involved in the inclusion and exclusion are necessarily concerned with the process of constructing a place identity or territorial identity by means of a place name, which represents identity and ideology of a social subject. In the examination of this process, it is necessary to take the elements of identity, ideology and power relations into consideration. In this study, therefore, the politics of scale is experimented for its applicability in the study of place name in Korea, which is expected to accommodate concepts of boundary, territory, territoriality and territorialization. In the end, it is suggested in this study that a series of basic and interdisciplinary studies on the cultural politics of place names in a range of area should be undertaken along with the enough theoretical knowledge of cultural politics.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.14 no.2
• /
• pp.201-229
• /
• 2008

본 논문에서는 노동자문화정치의 관점에서 파업을 새롭게 정의하고, 파업을 비롯한 노동자 문화실천의 정치적 효과를 분석하기 위한 방법론적 요소들을 검토하였다. 여기서 파업은 참여주체들의 다양한 사고와 합리성들을 중심으로 형성되고 확장되는 내재적인 정치의 장인 동시에, 다양한 기표적 실천들이 전개되는 문화정치의 장으로 정의되었다. 파업의 발생과 전개의 각 과정과 국면에 대한 문화정치적 분석 요소로서 장소성, 공간, 시간, 정서, 기호자원, 담론이 고려되었고, 이 요소들에 초점을 두고 민주노조 파업에서 드러나는 문화정치적 제약들을 H사 노조 사례를 통해 검토하였다. 문화정치적 제약들은 노동자 문화의 생산과 수용에서의 제약으로 드러난다. 노동자문화 관련 텍스트들의 분석과 조사 자료를 통해서 볼 때, 그것들은 첫째로 노동자 문화 활동가들의 생산 실천 상의 제약과 관련있고, 둘째로, 노동자 대중의 노동자 문화 수용 혹은 소비에서의 도구성과 시 공간 상의 제약과 관련있는 것을 확인했다. 본 논문은 이러한 제약들이 70년대 이후에서 90년대 전반에 이르는 시기와는 달리, 현 시기 노동운동의 문화적 자원들이 신기술과 사회문화적 변화에 걸맞게 변화 확장되지 못하고 오히려 축소된 데 기인한다고 추론하였다. 따라서 지속적인 운동의 조건과 기반을 능동적으로 조성하기 위해서는, 파업을 비롯한 노동자 문화의 생산과 수용 전반에 걸쳐서 작용하는 재현체계 상의 제약, 특히 기호자원의 한계라는 근본적인 제약을 넘어서기 위한 노동자 문화정치의 필요성이 제안되었으며, 문화실천에 몸담고 있는 문화활동가나 노조활동가들이 파업과 일상 활동 속에서 문화정치적 주제들을 찾아 이론화하고 정책에 반영하는 문화활동 방안이 제안되었다.

• Food Industry
• /
• s.182
• /
• pp.69-116
• /
• 2004

현재 우리나라의 IT 정보화는 세계 1위의 브로드밴드(초고속 인터넷) 이용국이 될 정도로 빠르게 변모하면서 정치, 사회, 문화 뿐만 아니라 시장 경제에 상당한 영향을 미치고 있다. 특히 소비자의 소비생활형태에도 큰 변화를 가져왔으며 또한 그에 따른 소비자의 인식이 높아지면서 소비자가 시장경제 주체로서의 소비자 주권시대를 열었다. 이러한 IT정보를 기반으로한 소비 문화의 변화와 소비 주체의식의 고취는 정부의 소비자관련 정책과 또 기업의 경영에도 상당한 영향을 미치게 되었다. 그러나 현재 많은 기업들이 소비자에 대한 인식과 그에 대한 대응의 필요성은 인식하고 있으나 실질적인 소비자 대응에 대한 전문성 강화를 위한 인식 및 투자나 기업 입장에서의 실질적인 소비에 대한 연구 및 교육활동도 아직까지는 매우 소극적이고 미흡한 것이 사실이다. 따라서 회사 내의 고객 접점에서의 고객상담의 중요성과 응대 실무에 대해 정리해보았다.