This study analyzes the relationship since 1988 between National Assembly, president and political parties in Korea, and to find critical conditions for developing a mutually beneficial relationship among them. It argues that the levels of both internal power concentration and cohesiveness(or discipline) of political parties matter greatly, and applies them as theoretical framework for the historical review. By 2002, major political parties were highly concentrated in power and their discipline was strong. Consequently parties fought collectively with each other and Assemblies repeatedly saw standoffs and deadlocks. Reforms of 2002-04 that sought higher degree of party democracy and more autonomy among members of National Assembly have not been able to bring in a productive legislative-president relationship. A cohesive faction politics under the leadership of (potential) presidential candidates keeps it from growing. This study suggests further democratization of party power and more autonomy to individual Assembly members.
The fourth industrial revolution, which is all the rage in recent years in South Korea, comes from Klaus Schwab's book. Schwab claims that recent rapid technological innovation has inevitably determined the future of our society, and regulations on related policies need to be relaxed. The debate on the Fourth Industrial Revolution in the Korean society is also centered on deregulation policies. In particular, it is strongly argued that personal data protection regulation should be relaxed in a big data environments. The Science and technology studies has long criticized technological determinism. The future of technology can be changed by the will of regulatory authorities and the intervention of civil society. In this article, the author examines various discussions at home and abroad around the deregulation of data protection, including de-identification of personal data. Through this, the author criticizes the way of accepting the fourth industrial revolution theory, and draw its implications for the Korean society.
In the capitalized Joseon Dynasty under the Japanese colonial rule, most Gisaengs (female entertainers) were waiting for men who would save them from financial distress, but others chose to seize the opportunity imposed by the modern times and capitalization to transform their lives. Socialist Jung Chil-sung was one of those who utilized such opportunity to transform themselves through political awakening. The political awakening of Chung Chil-sung was the result of two factors-the historical occasion of the March $1^{st}$ movement and her personal labor experience as Gisaeng. The March $1^{st}$ movement was not only a colossal political incident externally manifested in nationalism and but also an occasion which educed the microscopic anger of a woman named Chung Chil-sung. In the early capitalist society, women with jobs were forced to play not only vocational tasks but also to subject themselves to emotional roles of being obedient and generous. In other words, those early career women suffered feelings such as anger, shame and humiliation, when they were defenselessly exposed to gender hierarchy and gender power in the public sphere. As shown in the case of Chung Chil-sung, these emotions led to a certain political awakening. The political awakening through the labor experience and emotional problems was the fact that helped Chung Chil-sung have a concrete and realistic understanding about the issue of women's economic dependence unlike other female socialists. But, although socialism was relatively the most appropriate language to explain Chung Chil-sung's experience, what she experienced contained several elements that cannot be explained by the elite socialist language. Therefore, her life paradoxically proved the need of lower-class women's lives to be divided and registered as a new emotion and to be politically visualized.
This study explored factors influencing socialization of child care. Political ideology and age were found as major predicting factors of socialization of care. Age, especially, was confirmed as an important predicting factor of socialization of care. Also, those with more progressive political ideology had the higher level of socialization of care. This finding reassured that socialization of care were considered as political issues in Korea. Income did not predict socialization of care, although it is said that a tax increase provoked conflicts between socioeconomic classes. Issues of caring were shared among people regardless of income levels. Therefore, specific interventions are necessary for preventing caring issues from using as a political lever, overcoming value differences between generations, and promoting social integration.
Assemblypersons' activities have organizational and individual nature. The activities of assemblypersons and their assistant staffs become a motive for major work performance of Korean legislature, and are also critical public services affecting contemporary political history, history of political parties and history of assemblyperson's hometown. Moreover, their activities are also characterized by work performance in favor of assemblyperson's personal interests to effectively communicate his or her achievements during term of office to electors with a view to winning reelection after the end of 4-year term of office. Assemblyperson's organization produces various types of record in the performance of these works. From the viewpoint of public archive as a product of assemblypersons' public service performance and from their own personal viewpoints, they can create their own identity by arranging their personal records that can demonstrate their own political philosophy, policy orientation, achievements during term of office, and personal features. In addition, their personal records can have much more values and significance in the sense that those records are available to electors to make it possible to highlight their own images in objective and reliable manner. Conclusively, this study underlined that the efforts for assemblypersons and their assistant staffs to keep their records well could be helpful to streamline their internal works and be also helpful for personal interests of assemblypersons. And this study proposed procedures and methods for deducing and screening a list of production archives to meet a viewpoint of streamlined internal works and needs for keeping personal records, ultimately with a view to giving practical helps for these works.
This thesis focuses on Wandeuki and Elegant Lies - novels written by Kim Ryeo-reong and adapted into the film by Director Lee Han; this thesis analyzes the process of storytelling being transformed as the media is converted. Also, this thesis discusses cultural-political implications of transmedia storytelling where different narrative responses coexist concerning post-IMF family disorganization and "individualization." First of all, this thesis critically reviews existing discourses on the concept of transmedia storytelling and refers to 'transfictionality' the narratological concept of Marie-Laure Ryan in order to look into media conversion storytelling that starts from original novels. The novels Wandeuki and Elegant Lies show two aspects of "individualization" that adopts existential conditions of family disorganization. Wandeuki deviates from patriarchal family romance through self-discovery and exhibits loose family bond, which is something similar to companionship of close individuals. Elegant Lies shows individualization of pain by portraying a teenager who found herself completely isolated, while showing that it is impossible for the people left behind to mourn. On the other hand, director Lee Han's films and show stories in which family members, who are confronting family dissolution, rediscover and restore their families against family dissolution. The film promotes the expansion of family community through multicultural identity, and the film completes condolence of the people left behind by having the remaining families survive as survivors of suicide. The storyworld of the novels puts emphasis on 'self-discovery' of individual adolescents, while the storyworld of the movies puts emphasis on 'rediscovery of family'. Through transformation of storytelling - especially the redesigning of narrative structures called "modification" - transmedia storytelling shows that the relationship between media-converted texts is far from "faithful representation," but rather, shows conflicting themes and perspectives. With a reference point of 'the emergence of character' transmedia storytelling, which is predicated on the original work but aims to free itself from the original work by transforming storytelling through media conversion, opens up polyphonic storyworld by creating heterogeneous voices. In the post IMF-era, where uncertainty mounts over family dissolution and individualization, polyphonic storyworld created by transmedia storytelling provides an opportunity to experience disparate desires over individual freedom/risk and complacency toward community. We can call this the cultural-political implication of transmedia storytelling based on transferring, transcednding, and transforming.
Based on the Foucault's governmentality, this study has described the self-government strategy that healing discourse is implemented during 2011-2013. Healing discourse's priority is the existence value of individual and full concentration about self is needed more than anything. In this process, people who need to heal and comfort are limit to de-politicized individuals. Healing discourse emphasizes that the current enhancement in order to become reflection and growth of self. Demands of reflection and growth is substitute the critics of the era and society, but also act as a specific code of conduct to individuals. While emphasizes the reflection and personal growth, healing discourse has top priority of the current value. However, in this process, criticism of the era issues and social structural factors are fundamentally excluded. People accepted healing discourse actively, decided empowering self by reflection and remorse. On the other hand, there is a crack and specificity in the dominant reception discourse likewise some subjects criticized that there is no realistic consolation, exposed the antipathy to the older generation, denied the way of problematized objectification. But this is a partial denial about healing as concrete technology, not fundamental resistance about neoliberal orders.
The fandom phenomenon of political emotion originated from ideological conflicts between the conservative and the progressive amplifies social conflicts in South Korea in interpreting and accepting films as culture media. The purpose of this paper is to examine why the structure of political consciousness in South Korea is fandomized, what is the acceptance of cinema at the center of the controversy of political ideology, and what is the desirable attitude of film reception. I conducted a discourse analysis that closely examined the debates and articles on the internet regarding ,(2013) and ,(2014) which were controversial in terms of conservatism and progressivism. As a result, First, while Korean society has not constituted a consensus on modern and contemporary history, it has easily led the acceptance of cinema to the controversy surrounding the political ideology. Second, the failure of constructing consensual memories of modern and contemporary history has made the conservative and the progressive not acknowledge the other's achievements. Third, film interpretation and meaning production are ultimately the roles of the audience, and on interpretation, diversity should be respected but conformity would be rejected. Film acceptance and interpretation should focus on rational awareness of social reality and would reflect on the social ideal objectively.
Doctoral Candidate, Department of Communication, Pusan National University This study analyzed the political and social significance of the disaster accident news with the frame and bias concept. In particular, this study confirmed theoretically how domestic media biased frame when it presents problem definition, causing interpretation, moral evaluation, and post-prescription on the ferry Sewol accident, In addition, the bias of the frame was analyzed comparing what is the difference between the conservative newspapers and liberal newspapers. Findings are as follows. First, in diagnosis of ferry Sewol accident, news slanted fragmentation frame>personalization frame>authority-disorder frame. The Chosun Ilbo focus on fragmentation bias, meanwhile Hankyoreh focus on the authority disorder relatively. Second, in accident evaluation, responsibility frame> moral frame> problem-solution frame. The Chosun Ilbo focus on responsibility frame and moral frame. But Hankyoreh focus on responsibility frame and problem-solution frame. Third, in the matter of responsibility, government frame>personal frame>organizational frame. Chosun Ilbo biased responsibility of the government and individuals, while the Hankyoreh is relatively more emphasis on government responsibility and the responsibility of the organization also showed. Fourth, in problem solving, thematic frame and episodic frame bias appeared as rough and level. Chosun Ilbo showed episodic frame, Hankyoreh showed thematic frame. News frame and bias as well as ideological differences of media on ferry Sewol accident was discussed in the context of the social dimension.
The purpose of this study was to validate the Korean version of RESPECT-Music, which measures personal, social and cultural function of music, and to examine the correlation between the measured RESPECT data and the data measured from other scales for emotions. A survey was conducted with two separate groups of undergraduate students. Exploratory factor analysis with sample A (N=212) and confirmatory factor analysis and correlation analyses with sample B (N=296) were conducted. The result of exploratory factor analysis generated 10 factors as influential factors in music use, which was the similar results to the original scale: background, values, focus, dancing, family bonding, cultural identity, political attitudes, venting, emotional expression and social bonding. In the confirmatory factor analysis, this 35-item measurement was found to obtain adequate internal consistency and reliability. In addition, the correlations were found with other scales measuring emotional adjustment. Specifically, RESPECT showed a positive correlation with scales for positive affect, reappraisal, negative mood regulation and repair. Among the generated factors as music function, dancing was highly correlated with emotional adjustment, while political attitudes was negatively correlated with emotional adjustment. The results indicate that music use in our everyday lives is intercorrelated with the intrapersonal and interpersonal motives and emotional adjustment, while the function of music that influences cultural identity was not associated with the level of emotional adjustment. Implications for future studies were also suggested.
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