• The Korean Nurse
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• v.20 no.4 s.112
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• pp.50-59
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• 1981

간호학생들이 당연하고 있는 문제점 미래의 간호학생들이 교육문제를 논하기 위하여는 간호학생들이 가지고 있는 문제점을 파악하고 또 이해하는 것이 우선순위가 될 것이다. 간호학생들이 문제점에 대한 연구는 한국에서 뿐아니라 미국에서도 꽤 많이 시행되어져 왔으며 특히 간호학과정에서 중간 탈락되는 중퇴자들에 대한 연구들 중에 이러한 문제점에 대해서 언급한 것이 많다. 고등학교를 졸업하고 곧 대학과정에 진학한 학생들을 대상으로 조사 보고될 Munro의 자료에 의하면 전문대학과정에서 27$\%$, 대학과정에서는 41$\%$의 간호학생들이 간호학과정에서 중간 탈락하고 있음이 보고되고 있다. 이들이 중간탈락하는 데에는 여러 가지 이유가 있으나 그 중 ''간호학에 흥미를 잃어서''가 가장 큰 이유로 보고되고 있다. 이곳 한국사회에서도 역시 비슷한 현상을 보이고 있다. 그러나 대학입시경쟁과 대학내에서의 전과가 거의 허용되지 않는 특수여건이기 때문에 학교를 중간 탈락하는 율은 미국이 보고만큼 높지는 않으나 역시 ''간호학에 흥미를 잃는다''는 것이 간호학생들의 가장 큰 문제점으로 대두되고 있다. 최근 한국에서 시행된 간호학생들에 관한 연구(표 1 참조)에 의하면 간호학생들의 학문에 대한 만족도는 조사자의 35$\~$50$\%$정도에 불과하였고 더우기 이 비율은 고학년에 올라갈수록 더욱 감소되고 있는 경향을 보이고 있다. 한국에서 시행된 어느 연구보고에 의하면 간호학에 실망했다고 생각하는 학생이 전체의 67$\%$였으며, 다른 학교로 전과를 희망한 경험이 있다는 학생이 71$\%$나 되는 것으로 보고되고 있다. 그러나 왜 흥미를 잃게 되는지 그 이유에 대하여 설명해 주는 연구는 많지 않았다. 미국의 한 저자는 간호학생들이 간호학에 흥미를 잃게 되는 원인을 간호원의 역할에 대한 이해가 정확하지 못한 것과 졸업 후 진로기회에 대한 인식부족 때문이라고 추측하고 있다. 간호학에 흥미를 잃게 되는 이유는 크게 다음의 세 가지로 분류 요약될 수 있다. 첫째, 간호학을 전공으로 택한 동기이다. 간호학의 특수성으로 인하여 학생들이 간호학을 전공으로 택한 동기도 다른 전공분야보다는 훨씬 다른 여러 종류를 보이고 있다. 즉, 종교적 이유, 다른 사람들에게 봉사할 수 있는 직업이기 때문에, 쉽게 취업을 할 수 있어서, 결혼 후에도 직업을 가질 수 있기 때문에, 외국으로 쉽게 취업할 수 있어서 등이 간호학을 선택한 이유로 보고되고 있다. 흥미나 적성에 맞다고 생각하기 때문에 간호학을 택한 학생의 수는 다른 과에 비하여 훨씬 적다. 이러한 흥미나 적성 때문이 아닌 여러 가지 다른 이유들로 인하여 간호학을 택한 경우에 특히 간호학에 쉽게 흥미를 잃어버리는 것을 볼 수 있다. 간호학에 현실적인 개념을 가지고 있는 학생들일수록 추상적이고 현실적인 개념을 가지고 있는 학생들보다 더 간호학에 지속적인 흥미를 가지며 중간에 탈락하는 율이 훨씬 적다는 것이 많은 연구에서 보고되었다. 또한 흥미나 적성 때문에 간호학을 택하였다는 학생들이 다른 과로 전과를 희망하는 율이 낮다는 것도 보고되었다. 둘째, 교과내용자체나 실습에 대한 불만족이다. 간호학에 대한 체계적인 교과내용의 결여, 과중한 과제물, 임상실습에서의 욕구불만, 실습으로 인한 부담, 지식과 실습의 차이점에 대한 갈등 등이 주요 이유로 보고되고 있다. 대부분의 연구들이 이 교과목이나 실습에 대한 불만족, 특히 실습경험에서의 갈등을 학생들이 흥미를 잃는 가장 중요한 요인이 되는 것으로 보고하고 있다. 어느 한 연구에서는 응답자의 90$\%$가 임상실습에 만족하지 못한다고 응답하였으며 그들 중의 88$\%$가 실습감독에 문제가 있다고 생각한다고 보고하였다. 셋째, 교수들에 대한 불만족이다. 대부분의 연구들이 학년이 올라가면 갈수록 교수에 대한 신뢰도가 낮아지며 또한 그에 비례하여 간호학에 대한 만족도가 낮아진다고 보고하고 있다. 교육내용에 대한 전문지식의 결여, 학생들과의 인간적인 관계의 결여, 교수법에 대한 불만족 등이 교수에 대한 불만의 주요내용으로 보고되었다. 미래의 간호에 부응할 학생교육 계속적인 사회적 변동과 더불어 급격하게 변화하고 있는 일반인들의 건강에 대한 요구도와 앞에서 기술한 문제점 등을 감안할 때 학생들에게 동기를 부여하고 간호학에 확신감을 가질 수 있도록 준비시키므로써 간호환경에서 실망하기보다는 오히려 그것을 받아들여 변화하는 사회요구에 책임감을 느낄 수 있도록 교육시키는 것이 미래의 간호학생을 준비시키는데 가장 중요한 요인이라고 할 수 있겠다. 이러한 교육을 위하여 다음의 두가지 안을 제시한다. 1. 교수와 학생간의 관계-서로의 좋은 동반자 : 교수들이 학생에게 미치는 영향, 특히 학생들의 성취도에 대한 영향에 대하여는 이미 많은 연구가 시행되었다. Tetreault(1976)가 간호학생들의 전문의식에 영향을 미치는 요인에 대하여 연구한 바에 의하면 다른 어느 것보다도 교수의 전문의식여부가 학생들의 전문의식 조성에 가장 큰 영향을 미친다고 하였다. 또한 학생들이 교수에게 신뢰감을 가지고 있을때, 교수들이 전문가로서의 행동을 하는 것을 보았을때 비로서 배움이 증가된다고 하였다. Banduras는 엄격하고 무서운 교수보다는 따뜻하고 인간적인 교수에게 학생들이 더 Role Model로서 모방하려는 경향을 나타낸다고 보고 하였다. 그러면 어떻게 학생에게 신뢰받는 교수가 될 수 있겠는가? apos;학생들의 요구에 부응할 때apos;라고 한마디로 표현할 수 있을 것이다. Lussier(1972)가 언급한 것처럼 학생들의 요구에 부응하지 못하는 교육은 Piaget이 언급한 교육의 기본 목표, 즉 개인에게 선배들이 한 것을 그대로 반복하여 시행하도록 하는 것이 아니라 새로운 것을 시도할 수 있는 능력을 가지게 하는 목표에는 도달할 수 없으며 이러한 목표는 간호학에도 가장 기본이 되어야 할 기본목표이기 때문이다. 학생들이 현재 어떤 요구를 가지고 있으며 또 어떤 생각을 하고 있는지 계속 파악하고 있는 것이 학생요구에 부응하는 교육을 할 수 있는 기본조건이 될 것이다. 의외로 많은 교수들이 학생들을 이해하고 있다고 생각하고 있으나 잘못 이해하고 있는 경우가 많다. 표 2는 현 간호학생들이 생각하고 있는 가치관과 문제점을 파악하고 또 교수가 그 가치관과 문제점을 어느 정도 파악하고 있는지 알아보기 위하여 일개 4년제 대학 200여명의 학생과 그 대학에 근무하는 18명의 교수진을 대상으로 질문한 결과를 간략하게 보고한 것이다. 또한 여기에서 학생이 보고하는 가치관, 문제점, 교수에게 바라는 점이 교수가 이해하고 있는 것과 차이가 있다는 것도 보여주고 있다. 우리가 학생들의 요구를 파악할 수 있도록 귀를 기울이고 이해하며, 그 요구에 부응하려고 노력할때 진정한 교수와 학생간의 관계가 이루어질 수 있을 것이며 이때 비로서 우리는 apos;partnershipapos;을 이룰 수 있을 것이다. 이때 간호학에 대한 실망은 줄어들 수 있을 것이며 우리도 학생들에게 전문가적인 태도를 함양시켜줄 수 있는 기회를 부여할 수 있을 것이다. 이렇게 될때 앞으로 기다리고 있는 미지의 의무에 효과적으로 또 적극적으로 대처할 수 있는 자질을 형성한 학생들을 준비해 낼 수 있을 것이다. 2. 간호모델에 의한 교과과정의 확립과 임상실습에의 적용 : 교과과정이 학생들의 모양을 만들어주는 하나의 기본틀이라고 말할 수 있다면 미래의 요구에 부응하는 학생들을 준비시키기 위하여 지금까지와는 다른 새로운 방향의 교과과정이 필요하다는 것은 재론할 필요가 없을 것이다. 이미 진취적인 간호대학에서는 guided design systems approach 또는 integrated curriculum 등의 새로운 교과과정을 시도하고 있음은 알려진 사실이다. 물론 간호모델에 준한 교과과정을 발전시키는데 대한 장점과 이에 수반되는 여러가지 새로운 문제점에 대하여 많은 논란이 있으나 모든 교과과정이 처음 시도될 때부터 완전한 것이 있을 수 없으며 시간이 지남에 따라 성숙되는 것임을 감안해 볼 때 이러한 새로운 교과과정에의 시도는 미래의 새로운 간호방향에 필수적인 사업이라고 하겠다. 이러한 교과과정을 개발하는데 몇가지 게안점을 첨부하려 한다. (1) 새로운 교과과정의 개발은 처음부터 끝까지 모든 교수진의 협력과 참여로 이루어져야 한다. (2) 비록 처음에는 어렵고 혼란이 있더라도 교과과정은 의학모델이 아닌 간호모델을 중심으로 이루어져야 한다. (3) 간호모델에서 다루어지는 개념들은 모두 직접 간호업무에 적용될 수 있는 것으로 선택되어야 한다. (4) 교과과정의 결과로 배출되는 학생들의 준비정도는 그 지역사회에 적합하여야 한다. (5) 그 지역사회의 고유한 문화적 요소가 포함되어야 한다. 아직 우리는 간호분야 내부의 갈등을 해결하지 못하고 있는 시기에 있다. 우리 내부의 문제점을 잘 해결할 수 있을때 외부와의 갈등에 잘 대처할 수 있을 것이다. 내부의 갈등을 잘 해결하기 위한 힘을 모으기 위하여는 동반자, 즉 교수와 학생, 간호교육자와 임상간호원 등이 서로 진정한 의미의 동반자 될때 가장 중요한 해결의 실마리가 될 것이다.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.20-49
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• 2009

This paper explores the Korean royal tombs steles such as monumental steles and tombstone marks (神道碑, 表石) that are broadly fallen into the following three periods ; the 15~16th centuries, 17th~18th centuries, and 19th century. As a result, the royal tombs steles were built, unlike the private custom, on the heirs to the King's intentions. During the 15~17th centuries the construction and reconstruction of the monumental steles took place. In the late Joseon period, monumental steles had been replaced with a number of tombstone marks were built to appeal to the king's calligraphy carved on stone for the first time. During the Great Empire Han(大韓帝國) when the Joseon state was upgraded the empire, Emperors Gojong and Sunjong devoted to honor ancestors by rebuilding royal tombstone mark. Based on these periodical trends, it would not be exaggerated that the history of establishing the royal tombs steles formed in late Joseon. The type of royal tombs monuments originated from those of the Three Kingdoms era, a shapeless form, the new stele type of the Tang Dynasty (唐碑) has influenced on the building of monuments of the Unified Silla and Buddhist honorable monuments (塔碑) of the Goryeo Dynasty. From the 15th century, successive kings have wished to express the predecessors's achievements, nevertheless, the officials opposed it because the affairs of the King legacy (國史) were all recorded, so there is no need to establish the tombs steles. Although its lack of quantity, each Heonneung and Jereung monumental steles rebuilt in 1695 and 1744 respectively, is valuable to show the royal sculpture of the late Joseon period. Since the 15th century, the construction of the royal tombs monumental steles has been interrupted, the tombstone marks (boulders) with simpler format began to be erected within the tomb precincts. The Yeoneung tombstone mark(寧陵表石), built in 1682, shows the first magnificent scale and delicate sculpture technique. Many tombstone marks were erected since the 1740s on a large scale, largely caused by King Yeongjo's announce to the honorific business for the predecessors. Thanks to King Yeongjo's such appealing effort, over 20 pieces of tombstone marks were established during his reign. The fact that his handwritten calligraphic works first carved on tombstones was a remarkable phenomenon had never been appeared before. Since the 18th century, a double-slab high above the roof(加?石) and rectangular basement of the stele have been accepted as a typical format of the tombstone marks. In front of the stele, generally seal script calligraphic works after a Tang dynasty calligrapher Li Yangbing(李陽氷)'s brushwork were engraved. In 1897 when King Gojong declared the Empire, these tombstone marks were once again produced in large amounts. Because he tried to find the legitimacy of the Empire in the history of the Joseon dynasty and its four founding fathers in creating the monuments both of the front and back sides by carving his in-person-calligraphy as a ruler representing his symbolic authority. The tombstone marks made during this period, show an abstract sculpture features with the awkward techniques, and long and slim strokes. As mentioned above, the construction of monumental steles and tombstone marks is a historical and remarkable phenonenon to reveal the royal funeral custom, sculpture techniques, and successive kings' efforts to honor the royal predecessors.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.95-130
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• 2006

Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.99-148
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• 2022

This study aims at the psychological elucidation of some conscious aspects of the personality of Yi Sun-sin (1545-1598), the Korean national hero, and the unconscious teleologic meanings of his dreams mentioned in Nanjung Ilgi (Diary in War Time) from the viewpoint of analytical psychology of C.G. Jung. Yi Sun-sin was a man of discipline, incorporated with the spirit of Confucian filial piety, hyo (hsiao) and royalty, chung. He was a stern man but with a warm heart. In his diary, Yi Sun-sin poured forth his feelings of suffering, despair, and extreme solicitude caused by slanders of his political opponents, his grief for the loss of mother and son, and his worries about the fate of his country, which the Japanese invaders now plundered. The moon night offered him the opportunity to touch with his inner soul, by reciting poems, playing Korean string, 'Keomungo', and flute. Further, he widened his scope by asking for the answers from the 'Heaven' through divination and dream. Yi Sun-sin's attitude toward his mother who raised the future hero and maternal principles were considered in concern with the Jungian term 'mother complex'. Won Gyun, Yi Sun-sin's rival admiral, who persistently accused Yi Sun-sin of 'slanders,' certainly represents the unconscious shadow image of Yi Sun-sin. The reciprocal 'shadow' projection has intervened in the conflicting relationship between Yi and Won. In concern to the argument for the suicidal death of Yi Sun-sin, the author found no evidence supporting such an argument, No trace of latent suicidal wish was found in his dreams. For Yi Sun-sin, the determination of the life and death depends on Heaven. 32 dreams from the diary and 3 from other historical references were reviewed and analyzed in the Jungian way. Symbols of anima, Self, and individuation process were found. His dream repeatedly suggests that Yi Sun-sin is an extraordinary man chosen by the divine man (神人). In the dream, Yi Sun-sin was a disciple of the divine man receiving instructions on various strategies, and he alone could see the great thing or events. The dream of a beautiful blue and red dragon, whom he was friendly touching, indicates Yi Sun-sin's eligibility for the kingship. Yi Sun-sin seemingly did not aware of this message of the unconscious. Perhaps he sensed something special but did not identify with 'the disciple of gods' and 'royal dragon' in his dream. His modest attitude toward the dream has prevented him from falling into ego inflation. There were warning signals in two dreams that suggested disorders in the dreamer's instinctive feminine drive. Spirits of the dead father and brothers appear in the dream, giving advice or mourning for the death of Sun-sin's mother. Though Yi Sun-sin was a genuine Confucian gentleman, a dream revealed his unconscious drive to destroy the Confucian authoritative 'Persona' by trampling down the cylindrical traditional Korean hat. To the dreams of synchronicity phenomena Yi Sun-sin immediately solves the problem in concrete reality. He understood dreams as valuable messages from the superior entity, for example, the Confucian Heaven (天) or Heaven's Decree (天命). Furthermore, the 'Heaven' presumably arranged for him the way to the national hero and imposed necessary trials upon him. Both his persecutors and advocates of him guided him in the way of a hero. Yi Sun-sin followed his destiny and completed the living myth of the hero. His mother, King Seon-jo, and prime minister Liu Seong Yong, all have contributed to embodying the myth of the hero. Yi Sun-sin died and became god, the divine healer of the nation.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-49
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• 2013

This article started with 'encounter'. Both authors met around the middle of February and discussed the subject for the inhospital conference presentation scheduled at the break of June. Having conversation like "Movies similar to fairytales heard from childhood are standing out conspicuously among commercial films which are attracting audiences and receiving fervent response these days. This phenomenon is marvelous and mysterious." together, and sharing this and that, the conversation turned naturally to 'Bram Stoker's Dracula', 'Series of Twilight', and 'Warm Bodies', both authors found out the fact that we saw these movies in common with propound impression. Feeling our hearts beating high, bit of fear and hesitation followed simultaneously at the moment when both of us encountered the idea to choose subject of conference presentation related to this and expressed one in words. While preparing for the conference, presenting to others, and having discussion with the audience, our hearts have been filled with Presentation was finished after active discussion beyond fixed hour and it also brought audience (among those present) to show strong emotional response both positively and negatively. At first, we just had a thought to put aside the content of presentation, but we felt lack of something else, lingering in our minds. We finally decided to accomplish our work into an article leading to submission, based on the advice and recommendation from one of the audience. This article is a small 'creative writing' born by sharing both authors' passion and enthusiasm. In the first part of this article, we have introduced the dream of 31-year-old woman's which led to the 'creative writing' and spotlighted her personal life, before and after the dream. In the second part, we have examined the consequence (way of realization) and meaning of creative impulse shown from or experienced from personal unconsciousness (dream, fantasy) together. Creative impulse shown from the individual appeared to bring creative transformation of individual personality through the process of 'introversion'. Otherwise it also appeared to be delivered as a masterpiece through 'creative writing' or from the process of 'extroversion'. Sometimes both consequences happened at once. We tried to examine and interpret the dream of 31-year-old woman's, which was introduced in the first part of this article, that is to say, the dream of 'Stephenie Meyer's, the author of the 'love between vampire boy and ordinary human girl' themed novel 'Twilight Series', in a psychoanalytic perspective. In the third part, highlighting individual dreams and three different movies 'Bram Stoker's Dracula', 'Twilight Series', and 'Warm Bodies', we found the transformation of symbol 'Man of Darkness, vampire' seen in each individual dreams and in some specific popular arts, such as novels and movies, receiving fervent response from people. We also found love between this symbol and humane woman, bearing fruit together with very impressive change shown in the attitude of 'Man of Darkness' (vampire)'s conscious ego and mutual relationship pattern. We contemplated this phenomenon, the reason why these events happen, and what kind of association presents among these events, individual, and this era and discussed the effects on individuals and this era, at present. 'Creative impulse', originated in the deep structure of human mind is realized as a 'transformation of individual personality' or masterpiece through artistic creation. If it has a chance to make a match with this era, shared by a lot of contemporary people, it also appears to bring positive effect as healing and salvation to each individual or to each era. From this article, we mainly highlighted positive and healing aspects of individual 'creative impulse'. We hope to deal with the negative consequences and their reason coming from 'creative impulse', if the occasion arises, in the future with a new article.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.19-42
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• 2012

Consumer consumption patterns are shifting rapidly as buyers migrate from offline markets to e-commerce routes, such as shopping channels on TV and internet shopping malls. In the offline markets consumers go shopping, see the shopping items, and choose from them. Recently consumers tend towards buying at shopping sites free from time and place. However, as e-commerce markets continue to expand, customers are complaining that it is becoming a bigger hassle to shop online. In the online shopping, shoppers have very limited information on the products. The delivered products can be different from what they have wanted. This case results to purchase cancellation. Because these things happen frequently, they are likely to refer to the consumer reviews and companies should be concerned about consumer's voice. E-commerce is a very important marketing tool for suppliers. It can recommend products to customers and connect them directly with suppliers with just a click of a button. The recommender system is being studied in various ways. Some of the more prominent ones include recommendation based on best-seller and demographics, contents filtering, and collaborative filtering. However, these systems all share two weaknesses : they cannot recommend products to consumers on a personal level, and they cannot recommend products to new consumers with no buying history. To fix these problems, we can use the information which has been collected from the questionnaires about their demographics and preference ratings. But, consumers feel these questionnaires are a burden and are unlikely to provide correct information. This study investigates combining collaborative filtering with the centrality of social network analysis. This centrality measure provides the information to infer the preference of new consumers from the shopping history of existing and previous ones. While the past researches had focused on the existing consumers with similar shopping patterns, this study tried to improve the accuracy of recommendation with all shopping information, which included not only similar shopping patterns but also dissimilar ones. Data used in this study, Movie Lens' data, was made by Group Lens research Project Team at University of Minnesota to recommend movies with a collaborative filtering technique. This data was built from the questionnaires of 943 respondents which gave the information on the preference ratings on 1,684 movies. Total data of 100,000 was organized by time, with initial data of 50,000 being existing customers and the latter 50,000 being new customers. The proposed recommender system consists of three systems : [+] group recommender system, [-] group recommender system, and integrated recommender system. [+] group recommender system looks at customers with similar buying patterns as 'neighbors', whereas [-] group recommender system looks at customers with opposite buying patterns as 'contraries'. Integrated recommender system uses both of the aforementioned recommender systems to recommend movies that both recommender systems pick. The study of three systems allows us to find the most suitable recommender system that will optimize accuracy and customer satisfaction. Our analysis showed that integrated recommender system is the best solution among the three systems studied, followed by [-] group recommended system and [+] group recommender system. This result conforms to the intuition that the accuracy of recommendation can be improved using all the relevant information. We provided contour maps and graphs to easily compare the accuracy of each recommender system. Although we saw improvement on accuracy with the integrated recommender system, we must remember that this research is based on static data with no live customers. In other words, consumers did not see the movies actually recommended from the system. Also, this recommendation system may not work well with products other than movies. Thus, it is important to note that recommendation systems need particular calibration for specific product/customer types.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.14 no.5
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• pp.69-76
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• 2013

The incidence of globally infectious and pathogenic diseases such as H1N1 (swine flu) and Avian Influenza (AI) has recently increased. An infectious disease is a pathogen-caused disease, which can be passed from the infected person to the susceptible host. Pathogens of infectious diseases, which are bacillus, spirochaeta, rickettsia, virus, fungus, and parasite, etc., cause various symptoms such as respiratory disease, gastrointestinal disease, liver disease, and acute febrile illness. They can be spread through various means such as food, water, insect, breathing and contact with other persons. Recently, most countries around the world use a mathematical model to predict and prepare for the spread of infectious diseases. In a modern society, however, infectious diseases are spread in a fast and complicated manner because of rapid development of transportation (both ground and underground). Therefore, we do not have enough time to predict the fast spreading and complicated infectious diseases. Therefore, new system, which can prevent the spread of infectious diseases by predicting its pathway, needs to be developed. In this study, to solve this kind of problem, an integrated monitoring system, which can track and predict the pathway of infectious diseases for its realtime monitoring and control, is developed. This system is implemented based on the conventional mathematical model called by 'Susceptible-Infectious-Recovered (SIR) Model.' The proposed model has characteristics that both inter- and intra-city modes of transportation to express interpersonal contact (i.e., migration flow) are considered. They include the means of transportation such as bus, train, car and airplane. Also, modified real data according to the geographical characteristics of Korea are employed to reflect realistic circumstances of possible disease spreading in Korea. We can predict where and when vaccination needs to be performed by parameters control in this model. The simulation includes several assumptions and scenarios. Using the data of Statistics Korea, five major cities, which are assumed to have the most population migration have been chosen; Seoul, Incheon (Incheon International Airport), Gangneung, Pyeongchang and Wonju. It was assumed that the cities were connected in one network, and infectious disease was spread through denoted transportation methods only. In terms of traffic volume, daily traffic volume was obtained from Korean Statistical Information Service (KOSIS). In addition, the population of each city was acquired from Statistics Korea. Moreover, data on H1N1 (swine flu) were provided by Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and air transport statistics were obtained from Aeronautical Information Portal System. As mentioned above, daily traffic volume, population statistics, H1N1 (swine flu) and air transport statistics data have been adjusted in consideration of the current conditions in Korea and several realistic assumptions and scenarios. Three scenarios (occurrence of H1N1 in Incheon International Airport, not-vaccinated in all cities and vaccinated in Seoul and Pyeongchang respectively) were simulated, and the number of days taken for the number of the infected to reach its peak and proportion of Infectious (I) were compared. According to the simulation, the number of days was the fastest in Seoul with 37 days and the slowest in Pyeongchang with 43 days when vaccination was not considered. In terms of the proportion of I, Seoul was the highest while Pyeongchang was the lowest. When they were vaccinated in Seoul, the number of days taken for the number of the infected to reach at its peak was the fastest in Seoul with 37 days and the slowest in Pyeongchang with 43 days. In terms of the proportion of I, Gangneung was the highest while Pyeongchang was the lowest. When they were vaccinated in Pyeongchang, the number of days was the fastest in Seoul with 37 days and the slowest in Pyeongchang with 43 days. In terms of the proportion of I, Gangneung was the highest while Pyeongchang was the lowest. Based on the results above, it has been confirmed that H1N1, upon the first occurrence, is proportionally spread by the traffic volume in each city. Because the infection pathway is different by the traffic volume in each city, therefore, it is possible to come up with a preventive measurement against infectious disease by tracking and predicting its pathway through the analysis of traffic volume.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.24
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• pp.5-46
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• 2006

Korean verse has flexibly changed its form and contents according to the historical background of the times. This fact arouses reader sympathy because it has reflected ideas, historical aspects and realities of the times. However, korean verse has kept its own characteristics in some ways, allowing it to exist today. It holds its form as 3 verses of three by three or four meter and three letters of the last of three verses. It makes every different version which has specific aspects of each times in the same 'sijo' area. 'Sijo' in Korean poems, is the first form that has been changed from formal to private functionally. As a result of that common verses in the Goryeo to Joseon eras were going with the stream of the times. Verse was the plate for justice so that there was no double meaning, symbols, or technical sentences. It had to show the idea of Myungchundo Jwonginryun. The theme was commonly fitted within certain areas. such as blessings, fidelity, devotion, etc. Around the end of the Joseon era, there was activation of private verses - a form of sijo with no restrictions on the length of the first two verses. Some ideas had been changed because Sarimpa gained power, domestic conflict, and the introduction of practical science. These things had an effect on the form of Sijo. After all, it shows the ideas of collapsing feudalism, resistance of confucian ideas, equality of the sexes, and opposition to the group who rule the government. Thus Sasul Sijo seems to have the tendency of resistance to reality. It was a specialty of realism poetry It explained our life in detail and reflected real life by being an intermediary of realism. This met and represented the demand of a reader's expectations. After 1905, there was new form of sijo that is very different, in form and content, from the previous versions. It was even different in areas of what people accepted. They started to think sijo was not the form of lyrical verse that is once was. It became a 'record of reading'. The form changed to 'hung or huhung' that satirized the times and the ending of a word in the last verse. Although this form could deliver the tension in statement, it was too iu from the original form. Therefore, it didn't last long, and its position got smaller because of the free verse that had western influence and was emerging in the times. In the middle of 1920, there was a movement of Sijo revival. It was lead by Choinamsun. He wrote poems and Sijo which were effected by western ideas in his early works. Although he worked with that, he took the lead in the movement of Sijo revival. He published the collection of Sijo $\ulcorner$Baekpalbunnwoi$\lrcorner$ that has one major theme-patriotic sentiment. He thought an ancient poem was a part of racial characteristics so that he expressed the main theme which represented the times and situations of his era. Modern Sijo is difficult. Sijo has to have modern and Korean verse characteristics at the same time. If it considers a modern aspect too much, it could not be distinguished from sijo and free verse. If it overly leans toward Sijo. it would seem to be too conservative which it then could be said to have no real charm of a poem. In spite of these problems, it is written constantly, because it has its own specialty. It has been focused on some works because they reflect awareness of modern times, the democratic idea, and realism. Overall, the authors of Modern Sijo express various themes by using different forms. The more what we can guess in this work, Sijo will exist permanently because of its flexibility. Furthermore, one special characteristic-flexibility of the korean verse will make it last forever and it will be a genre in Korean poetry.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.