• Title/Summary/Keyword: 유학

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Well-Aging: the Yeoheon Jang Hyun Kwang's meditation on the old age (웰에이징 : 노년의 삶에 대한 여헌 장현광의 성찰)

  • Kim, Kyungho
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.49
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    • pp.109-136
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    • 2012
  • 'Old man' or 'old age' was not the parts of academic discipline in the Joseon era but Yeoheon put it in the philosophical 'problematization' of the learning of the Confucianism. He was argued that the old man or old age is not merely biological decline but it has the goal to achieve. The completion of self is the meaning and end of the life throughout the subjective realization and procedure of attaining the goal step by step. Well-aged old man is affirming the getting old and making the positive changing of old life time in his one sake. This essay is showing the Yeoheon's thought of old aging as the self-realizing well-ageing. Next, it is argued that the predicament of old age or old man is not just social welfare or biological aspects but it is serious philosophical problems. If it was just social or biological aspects then it is just a social phenomenon to approach the view of scientists. However, this is not only life and death and flux of time and relativities but also it is problematizing the self-identification subjectivities. Obviously, it is the significant that the old and or old age is fundamentally philosophical subject rather than social or biological materials. In the third chapter, we are dealing with the views of the life and death of Yeoheon. He was insisted that quite interesting opinion that is the all the lives in the universe include himself is 'a wayfarer'. It looks like a time traveler in the universe; we are just one who stays in a body for awhile. When we follow him, we are living in this universe in a time (disposable) but the same theorem is applying to the whole universe as well myriad creatures. Therefore, man has a job to do as an entity of the universe. Yeoheon was called it is the business as a job and we have to do the Dao till you end. The fourth, Yeoheon was suggested that the old man has his work and business. There are two kind of works for an old man, the former is self control as an old age that is call the old man's job and the latter is staying with the Dao that is called the old man's business. According to Yeoheon, man has charged to realize the law of the universe that means we are the moral entity; therefore we are business to complete ourselves. Old age is decline of physical activities rather than vigorous, therefore, we have to follow our body and self-affirmation of declination is the Dao. The final, Yeoheon was advised that the old man better saved in the current of the Dao, because the physical function is declining but the shining Dao is within the mind in the body. It is motivation of the self-dignity of old man and one who recognizes the work to do even in the old body that he will be the significant among all the society not a lonely old man anymore. Old aging is biological twilight but the considerable real size expertise and self-affirmation is the Dao of old age. We are meditating nowadays in Yeoheon's philosophical context on old man or old aging. By him, the old age is man of dignity as long as he realizes in his Dao through the business and self-affirmation.

Modern Enterprise & ESG Management philosophy of Gaeseong Ginseng Merchant (개성 인삼상인의 근대기업화와 ESG 경영이념)

  • Ock, Soon Jong
    • Journal of Ginseng Culture
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    • v.3
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    • pp.90-118
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    • 2021
  • Gaeseong fostered the conditions necessary for modern capitalism, as huge capital was accumulated through the cultivation and trade of ginseng, which were activities that flourished in the 18th century. During the Japanese colonial era, ginseng merchants were not simply limited to acquiring landowner capital from ginseng trade but actively converted such resource to productive and financial capital, thereby becoming modern entrepreneurs. Ginseng merchants led the joint management and investment of Gaeseong Electric Co., Ltd., Daehan Cheonil Bank, Gaeseong Brewing Co., Ltd., and Songgo Textile Company, founded in the early 20th century. They pursued corporate profits and, as leading individuals of society, spearheaded regional development by supporting educational and cultural projects in Gaeseong. These projects included the establishment of the Gaeseong Commercial School, the publication of Goryeo Times, and the operation of the Gaeseong Jwa Theater. Although liberal economics prioritized shareholder interest, the 21st century witnessed an emphasis on social responsibility among stakeholders asthe major purpose of enterprises. A trend that emerged was ESG (environment, social, governance) management, in which non-financial factors are valued more highly than financial performance. A successful business, which was denoted only by high profits in the past, is now defined by whether a company fulfills its social responsibility. In the early 20th century, the corporate activities of ginseng merchants in Gaeseong reflected entrepreneurship and stakeholder-centered ESG management, which later emerged as essential elements of modern business management. The modern management philosophy ahead of its times stemmed from the regionality of Gaeseong. The political discrimination against Gaeseong residents in the Joseon Dynasty precluded them from becoming government officers, and under a strict social hierarchy, yangban ("noblemen"), the intellectuals of the Joseon Dynasty, were forced to serve as merchants. Son Bong-sang and Kong Seong-hak, aside from being representative ginseng merchants, were both Confucian scholars and writers. The second and third generations of ginseng merchant families who had received higher education abroad returned to Gaeseong to carry on with their family businesses, then established modern companies with capital accrued from the ginseng industry. An analysis of the commercial activities of ginseng merchants in the early 20th century confirmed that these individuals were pioneering entrepreneurs who adopted the ESG management philosophy. In ginseng merchants, one sees a dimension of capitalism with a human face, as with ginseng thatsaves human life.

Cantongqi and Its Relation to the System of Taegeuk (Taeil), Yin-yang, and the Five Movements (『참동계』와 태극(태일)-음양-오행 체계)

  • Lee, Bong-ho
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.37
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    • pp.263-295
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    • 2021
  • Until recently, academic consensus held that Zhou Dunyi's Taijitu (Taiji Diagram) originated from Cantongqi. However, a new debate has arisen wherein some scholars question that theory and related theories. They criticize these previous theories because the books and charts used as evidence in those theories were published after the lifetime of Zhou Dunyi, and this disqualifies their influence on his thought. However, identifying certain authors as being of a slightly later period than Zhou Dunyi does not definitively answer whether or not Zhou Dunyi's diagram was based on Cantongqi. I approached this problem from a different perspective. Zhou Dunyi's Taijitu is based on the system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements. Consequently, the formation of this system should be traced back historically. In the process of tracing it back, I intended to explain that the main character of Cantongqi is closely related to the formation of the system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements. The system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements was first established as a religious theological system in the Han Dynasty. In this process, yin-yang and the five movements were combined by Dong Zhongshu, and the five movements were introduced by Han Dynasty scholars as a method of interpreting the I-ching. However, Han Dynasty scholars did not form this system. In the late Han Dynasty, Cantongqi adopted the theological system of yin-yang and the five movements to theoretically form the system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements. Cantongqi was able to form this system because of the logic that yin-yang is the essence of the I-ching. Cantongqi does not have the same schematic as Taijitu. However, the system of taiji (Taiyi), yin-yang, and the five movements appears and extracts the components that make up Taijitu. Therefore, I do not think we should hastily agree with the recent claims made by scholars.

A Study on Maewoldang, Kim Si-seup's Maniac Tendency (매월당(梅月堂) 김시습(金時習)의 '광자(狂者)' 성향에 관한 연구)

  • Jo, Min-hwan
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.35
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    • pp.331-358
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    • 2020
  • This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.

A Study on the Concept of 'Loyalty and Filial Piety' in the Taoist Scriptures (도교 경전에 나타난 충효관 연구 - 『문창효경(文昌孝經)』과 『정명충효전서(淨明忠孝全書)』를 중심으로 -)

  • Jo Min-hwan
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.45
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    • pp.37-67
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    • 2023
  • This paper aims to examine the loyalty and filial piety pursued by Taoists, focusing on the concept of loyalty and loyalty shown in Wenchang Filial Piety Classic and General Collection of Jingming on Loyalty and Filial Piety. After the Han Dynasty, the concept of loyalty and filial piety became the representative virtues that led the country and society to follow the ideology of Confucius as the dominant ideology. This applied to everyone from emperor to each individual. Taoism had different reasons for promoting the concept of loyalty and filial piety and these even varied from sect to sect, but generally, Taoism could also be said to emphasize loyalty and filial piety. Depending on the sect of Taoism, filial piety might be valued on its own or filial piety might be valued in conjunction with loyalty. In particular, defining Taoism was criticized for "forgetting the desirable behavior required in the human network of the world and severing relationships with various objects encountered in life." In this respect, the concept of loyalty and filial piety in General Collection of Jingming on Loyalty and Filial Piety, could be observed to emphasize 'filial piety' in conjunction with 'loyalty', and this shows the influence of Confucius' concept of loyalty and filial piety. At the same time, this shows the concept of loyalty and filial piety as reimagined by Taoism. The most fundamental aim of Taoism is to pursue immortality. However, as a prerequisite for becoming such a god, loyalty and filial piety, were practiced alongside 'gentleness' and 'humanity and trustworthiness.' Here, the Taoist emphasis on 'loyalty and filial piety', 'gentleness', and 'humanity and trustworthiness' is essentially the same as in Neo-Confucianism. However, seeking to become an immortal through these values represents a motivation that is different from Neo-Confucians who denied the pursuit of immortality. In this paper, loyalty and filial piety as understood and practiced by Neo-Confucian scholars will be compared with the same concepts in the Taoist context and the findings will be summarized via three categories. First, in the Taoist model longevity and the pursuit of immortality are seen as being closely related to filial piety. The reason why achieving longevity and pursuing immortality was considered closely related to filial piety is because this is a modified and enhanced reimagining of the Neo-Confucianist concept of loyalty and filial piety. The other is that Taoism's concept of loyalty and filial piety is richly supplemented with content about 'interactions between heaven and humankind.' When filial piety is practiced in this context, the principle of responding to the gods of heaven and earth is emphasized. At the same time, Taoism presents consequences for insufficient filial piety to parents or insufficient loyal to the king; disasters will be brought down by heaven. Finally, it is argued that the practice filial piety is necessary and should extend not only to parents to all phenomena in the world without distinguishing based on one's degree of intimacy to those phenomena.

A Reinterpretation of the Differences between the Tales of Jinmuk shown in The Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk and The Canonical Scripture: Highlighting Differences between Literary Transmission and Oral Transmission (『진묵조사유적고』와 『전경』에 나타난 진묵 설화의 차이에 대한 재해석 -문헌 전승과 구전 전승의 차이를 중심으로-)

  • Kim Tae-soo
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.41
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    • pp.179-217
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    • 2022
  • Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

A Study on the Garden Culture and Ideology based on the Confucianism and Taoism of the Song Dynasty - Focused on Zhū Xī(朱熹) and Báiyùchán(白玉蟾) - (송대(宋代) 유가와 도교에 근거한 원림 문화와 사상 고찰 - 주희(朱熹)와 백옥섬(白玉蟾)을 중심으로 -)

  • Park So-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.41 no.1
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    • pp.10-20
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    • 2023
  • Zhū Xī, the representative of Confucianism, and Báiyùchán, the representative of Taoism in the South Song Dynasty, showed different sense of appreciation and enjoyment on the same space that was Mountain Wǔyí in their ideologically cultural ways. Based on the temples Wŭyíjīngshè(武夷精舍) where Zhū Xī stayed and Zhĭzhĭān(止止庵) where Báiyùchán resided, this study revealed their lives in such temples to look into their appreciation on ideology and space. Then, based on the words 'YiBoEumYeong [移步吟詠]' shown on the poetry they chanted in relation with Wǔyíjiǔqū from its 1st valley to its 9th valley, this study examines their understanding of scenery and system of appreciation that appeared in dynamic ways to conclude: First, even same scenery shows different understanding of scenery and appreciation of space in accordance with the viewers' thinking ways of culture. Second, as the Confucianism and Taoism influenced in ideologically cultural ways to develop each other in the Song dynasty, they absorbed their merits each other to supplement shortcomings in their own. In this process, they made it clear that their own propositions were different between them in their essential meanings although they used common terms for such propositions. Third, as the Confucian master who compiled the Neo-Confucianism of the South Song dynasty, Zhū Xī regarded Wŭyíjīngshè and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a place of learning and a place of seeking the truth to go for 'being unified with nature' so that everyday life can be united with Tao of Li [理] everywhere beyond the limited appreciation of the scenery. That is, this thought works for 'recovery of nature of our own [復其性]', the learning goal of Confucianism, and is aimed to 'cultivate the essential nature of our own(性情涵養)' through such beautiful nature. Fourth, as the master of Keumdan family of the South Song Taoism, Báiyùchán regarded Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a Taoist temple that has a long history rooting from Taesangwon temple, a clean place of discipline to become a Taoist hermit through hard training. He, therefore, directly referred to Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū in relation with the Taoist legends remaining in Wǔyíjiǔqū such as hermits' dinners, female hermits, leaving the human world as a hermit and so on as ways for becoming a hermit so that he went for the level of perfectly going out of human world and becoming a hermit. He, therefore, defined Mountain Wǔyí as a world and universe of hermits where he himself too hovered between outside and inside of poetry literature as a hermit through the mood and attitude of keeping himself enjoying the scenery as a hermit.

An Oral History Study of Overseas Korean Astronomer: John D. R. Bahng's Case (한국천문연구원 원외 원로 구술사연구 - 방득룡 전임 노스웨스턴 대학교 천문학 교수 사례 -)

  • Choi, Youngsil;Seo, Yoon Kyung;Lee, Hyung Mok
    • The Bulletin of The Korean Astronomical Society
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    • v.46 no.2
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    • pp.73.4-74
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    • 2021
  • 한국천문연구원은 2017년 제1차 구술채록사업에 이어 2020년 제2차 사업을 진행하면서 최초로 원외 원로에 대한 구술채록을 시도하였다. 국가 대표 천문연구의 산실로서 연구원 존재 의의를 확립하기 위하여 원내 원로에 국한되었던 구술자 대상을 확장한 것이다. 그 첫 외부 구술 대상자로 방득룡 전임 노스웨스턴 천문학과 교수를 선정하여 2020년 7월부터 준비단계에 들어갔다. 방득룡 전(前)교수가 첫 번째 한국천문연구원 원외 인사 구술자로 선정된 이유는, 그가 우리나라 천문대1호 망원경 구매 선정에 개입한 서신(1972년)이 자료로 남아있었기 때문이다. 한국천문연구원에서 2017년에 수행한 제1차 구술채록사업에서 구술자로 참여한 오병렬 한국천문연구원 원로가 기증한 사료들은 대부분 연구원 태동기 국립천문대 구축과 망원경 구매 관련 자료였으며 이 가운데 1972년 당시 과학기술처 김선길 진흥국장에게 Boller and Chivesns(사(社))의 반사경을 추천한 방득룡 전(前)교수의 서신은 한국 천문학 발전사에서 중요한 사료였다. 연구진은 이 자료를 시작으로, 방득룡 전(前)교수의 생존 여부와 문서고의 공기록물들에서 그의 흔적을 찾아가기 시작했다. 놀랍게도 그는 실제 세계와 한국천문연구원 문서고 깊숙이 기록물들 모두에서 상존하고 있었다. 1927년생인 방득룡 전(前)교수, Dr. John D. R.은 미국 플로리다 한 실버타운에서 건강한 정신으로 생존하여 있었고 연구진의 인터뷰에 흔쾌히 응했다. 2020년 9월 16일에 한국천문연구원 본원 세종홀 2층 회의실에서 영상통신회의로 그와의 구술인터뷰가 진행되었다. 이 구술인터뷰는 원외 인사가 대상이란 점 외에도 방법적으로는 전형적인 대면 방식이 아닌 영상 인터뷰였다는 점에서 코로나 시대의 대안이 되는 실험적 시도였다. 현대 한국천문학 발전사의 재조명 측면에서도 의미가 있었다. 1960년대 초반부터 1992년 정년퇴임까지 30년을 미국 유수 대학교 천문학과 교수로 재직하며 활발한 활동을 해 온 한국계 천문학자가 우리나라 최초 반사망원경 구매 선정에 적극 개입하였던 역사는, 공문서 자료들과 서신 사료들에 이어 그의 육성으로 나머지 의구심의 간극이 채워졌다. 또 구술자 개인이 주관적으로 중요하다고 여기는 '기억'이 중요한 아카이빙 콘텐츠 확장의 단초가 될 수 있다는 것을 보여줌으로써 구술사 연구에 있어서도 중요한 관점을 주었다. 애초 연구진이 방득룡 전(前)교수의 공식 기록에서 아카이빙의 큰 줄기로 잡았던 것은 1948년 도미, 1957년 위스콘신 대학교 천문학 박사학위 취득, 1962년부터 노스웨스턴 대학(일리노이주 에반스턴)의 천문학 교수진, 1992년 은퇴로 이어진 생애였다. 그러나 그와의 구술 준비 서신 왕래와 구술을 통하여 알게 된 그가 인생에서 중요시 여겼던 지점은, 1948년 도미 무렵 한국의 전쟁 전 상황과 당시 비슷한 시기에 유학한 한국 천문학자들의 동태, 그리고 1957년부터 1962년까지 프린스턴 대학교에서 M. Schwarzschild 교수와 L. Spitzer 교수를 보조하며 Stratoscope Project를 연구하였던 경험이었다. 기록학적 의미에서도, 전자를 통해서 그와 함께 동시대 한국 천문학을 이끌었던 인재들의 맥락정보를 얻을 수 있었으며, 후자를 통해서는 세계 천문학사에 큰 영향을 미친 석학에 대한 아카이브 정보와의 연계 지점과 방득룡 전(前)교수의 연구 근원을 찾을 수 있었다. 이들은 추후 방득룡 콘텐츠 서비스 시에 AIP, NASM, Lyman Spitzer 콘텐츠, 평양천문대, 화천조경천문대, 서울대와 연세대, 그리고 한국천문연구원까지 연계되어 전 세계 폭넓은 이용자들의 유입을 유도할 수 있는 검색 도구가 될 수 있다. 이번 방득룡 구술사 연구에서 구술자 개인의 주관적인 소회가 공식 기록이 다가갈 수 없는 역사적 실체에 일정 부분 가까울 수 있다는 것, 그리고 이를 통하여 개인의 역사는 공동체의 역사로 확장될 수 있다는 사실을 발견할 수 있었다. 또 연구진은 방득룡 전(前)교수의 회상을 통하여 구술자 개인의 시각으로 한국과 미국 천문학계의 공동체 역사를 재조명할 수 있었고, 이것을 아카이브 콘텐츠 확장 서비스에 반영할 수 있다는 기대를 가지게 되었다. 무엇보다 이 연구를 통하여 다양한 주제의 아카이브로 연동될 수 있는 주제어와 검색도구를 구술자 개인의 회상으로부터 유효하게 도출할 수 있다는 것을 확인하였다. 그리고 향후 한국천문 구술아카이브의 확장을 통하여 보다 다양한 활용과 연구 재활용의 선순환이 가능하다는 것도 알 수 있었다. 이는 최근 기록학계에서 대두되고 있는 LOD(Linked Open Data)의 방향성과도 흡사하여 한국천문학 구술사연구의 차세대 통합형 기록관리의 미래모형을 기대케 하는 대목이다.

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The History of the Josadang and Its Meaning as Seen Through the Murals of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa, Yeoungju (부석사 조사당 신장 벽화를 통해 본 조사당 건립의 배경과 의미)

  • SHIM Yeoung Shin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.1
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    • pp.64-78
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    • 2023
  • This article examines the background and meaning of the construction of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju, by Seolsan Cheonhee(1307~1382) in the late 14th century through the characteristics of the hall's mural. Six guardian deities(the Four Heavenly Kings in the center, Indra and Brahma on each side of the kings) are depicted on the southern wall(location of the entrance) of the Josadang, facing the statue of the great monk Uisang(625~702 AD) on the north wall. This mural is the oldest among Korean temple murals and exhibits very unique characteristics. In general, scenes from the scriptures are depicted on the back wall of the central statue. In contrast, the Josadang mural depicts only the guardian deities facing the main statue with no scene description. The appearance of the deities, who seem to protect the main statue of the monk Uisang, and their expressions, as if drawn from relief statues, are not seen in other murals. Nevertheless, it is similar to the stupas of the Seon(Ch. Chan 禪) sect monks established from the late Silla(57 BC~935 AD) through early Goryeo(918~1392 AD), with guardian deities on their surface. The iconography of the deities is a classic form of the late Silla to early Goryeo. The fact that the Josadang was built to commemorate Uisang, who founded the Korean Hwaeom sect(Ch. Huayan sect, 華嚴宗), and that guardians were placed to protect Uisang's statue reveals the concept of worship for the monk who founded the sect. As a result, the reason Cheonhee built the hall can also be understood as an extension of the ideology behind the construction of the stupas of the Seon sect monks. The problem, however, is that Cheonhee is a monk of the Hwaeom sect, and Buseoksa is a representative temple of the Hwaeom sect, not the Seon sect. Therefore, to better understand the background of the hall's construction, this article examined the situation of Goryeo Buddhism in the 14th century as well as the activities of Seolsan Cheonhee. Since Ganhwa Seon(Ch. Kanhua Chan, 看話禪) was dominant in the 14th century, Cheonhee went to study in the Yuan Dynasty(1271~1368 AD) at the age of 58 and was approved by Chinese Ganhwaseon monks before taking the position of Guksa(國師 national monk). However, he was eventually pushed to Buseoksa Temple, where he worked hard to rebuild it. Cheonhee most likely sought to expand the Hwaeom sect, which had been shrinking compared to the Seon sect, by enhancing power with the reconstruction of Buseoksa. The desire that the Hwaeom sect, which was losing its power due to the rise of the Seon sect in the 14th century, attempted to develop it by building Josadang hall, is well revealed by the Josadang murals.

Confucian Cultivation of Mind and Meditation - The Care Model of Cultivation Applied by Toe-gye' 『The Method on Preservation of Human mind (活人心方)』 (유가 공부론과 명상 - 퇴계 활인심방(活人心方)을 응용한 수양치료 모형 -)

  • Lee, Yun-do
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.28
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    • pp.363-386
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    • 2010
  • The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between theory of Confucian moral cultivation and meditation. Recently our community is more interested in 'a disease of mind'. A view of world, life, values which derived from the distorted perception of 'a disease of mind' can not be treated by psychiatric methods. In this sense, 'a disease of mind' is different from psychiatric illness. In this reason, alternative therapies applying philosophy, literature, arts, and humanities are attracting attention. Meditation is also one of them. In general, Meditation has been developed in Buddhism, but its method is closely related with Confucianism. Buddhist meditation has a pessimistic view of the reality in human life, but that of Confucian philosophy has laid stress on the reality and ego in human life. At this point, the Confucian meditation could provide a clue of solution for us in treatment of a disease of human mind. So Confucian moral cultivation and meditation have a great significance for the treatment of this disease as a methodology. In general, mental healing or psychotherapy has been proceeded by way of dialogue. 'Talking Cure' was conceived to let clients themselves recognize their current situation and find out the problem: "what happened and what's wrong" in their minds. But it does not have a high possibility of successful cure for subjects who are in the state of frustration, confusion, and lost of value. And also it is very difficult to apply to special institutions such as correctional institutions and military soldier who are targeted by current application of Humanities therapy. On this sense, it seems to be valuable to apply Confucian cultivation of mind and meditation which have emphasized the importance of mind-control for this. This study tries to examine theoretically how to relate the Confucian cultivation of mind with meditation, and to suggest a model of Humanities therapy that could be applied by Toe-gye's 『The Method on Preservation of Human mind(活人心方)』. Although Confucian cultivation of mind could present a meaningful theory for curing the disease of mind, it is very difficult to put the theory into practice. It is because Confucian cultivation of mind in itself is a kind of instruction that you need to do in all of your life, and essentially it is difficult to expect a temporary effect by performance or practice. So a cure model of Confucian cultivation of mind will be suggested on this assumption and limitations. This model is attempted on the main purpose of Humanities therapy in accordance with the development of a Korean model.