• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.405-439
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• 2017

In this article, I suggest issues and tasks in transmission of Gyeonggi Province folk songs after thorough study of designation of Gyeonggi Province folk songs as intangible cultural asset, reproduction and transmission. Intangible cultural assets are classified into seasonal playing and songs. Originally, category or extension of folk songs is above mere songs and it also embraces personal lives as well as village communities. Intangible assets of folk songs are folk art, group events and non-stage events at the same time based on tradition, history, uniqueness, characters of field value. Gyeonggi Province has 9 intangible assets now because of the revocation of several assets (All Gyeonggi Province, Hwasung, Gwacheon) within five years after initial designation of 13 assets in 1998. They are mostly distributed in the north Gyeonggi region where is close to the DMZ and delay in development seems to have enabled the preservation. Most of the intangible cultural assets are farming songs and weeding which show characteristics of Gyeonggi Province. Most of the designees are who performed excavation, recovery, excluding a few cases without designees on designation, and almost all the designee passed away. Number of cases have been revoked because transmission was not completed or some cases were transmitted to groups rather than specific designees. Subscription concert, the biggest and most representative event, is performed once a year with all of the 9 intangible cultural assets in the original complete forms of the designation. Intangible cultural assets are classified into seasonal playing and songs. In general, current performance of the intangible cultural assets and folk songs are same as the originally designated forms and are not in varied forms other than folk songs like songs for rice-planting and weeding. Funeral songs are transmitted in Yangju and Yangpyeong. In terms of the operation, preservation societies having training centers have been performing more constant activities for preservation including lecture, performance and transmission. Members are quite aged and the societies are suffering from lack of support fund for reproduction and transmission. Problems in reproduction and tasks for the transmission I would like to suggest are like followings. First, preservation and value of the cultural assets. Second, new understanding of designation and revocation of the intangible cultural assets. Third, record of performance and sound source. Fourth, liaison with local communities. Fifth, organization of professional resources and establishment of systematic support and management.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.257-284
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• 2020

Goseong Ogwangdae started academic research in the late 1950s and was designated as a national intangible cultural asset in 1964. From the time of the academic survey to the time of designation, it was recorded as using paper masks, but when the recording image was filmed in 1965, it was already changed to wooden masks. In 1960, before being designated as an intangible cultural asset, the number of masks, which was 9 points, gradually increased to 19 points in 1964. It is necessarily included in the leper, Chorani, Malttuki, Cheongbo-Yangyang, Halmi, and Jemilju, but the character of the yangban is not yet clearly differentiated. Hwangbongsa and Sangju appeared as bare faces, and consumption, milling, Cheongbo-Yangyang are used together with Bibi and inspiration. It can be guessed that Bibi was not the appearance of a foreign object with horns as it is now, considering that Bibi and Madangsoi were used together. Since 1965, shortly after the designation, the whole of the Goseong Ogwangdae mask has been changed to a wooden mask. All the characters except for resident, courtyard, and top-of-the-line are wearing masks. Bibi, Hongbaek, and service masks have never appeared until 1964. The Yangban was changed to the closing ceremony with six people in the order of Won-Yangban, Baekje, Heukje, Cheongje, Hongbaek, and Jonggadoryong. Starting in 1969, the mask enters the stable period where the kind is the same as the present. Bibi-Yangban uses both the Won-Yangban and the Jemilju uses the Somu, but all other characters use the individual mask to use a total of 18 masks. The Yangbans are clearly differentiated, and a total of seven Yangban appear. The reason why the change in the type of mask and the expression of material is so large is that the first generation of mask makers died and the tradition of mask production was cut off, but there is also a cause of the extreme change in the environment of the drama that the performers who joined after the designation had to face. Also, it is closely related to the change of the times when the meaning and weight of masking in masking has changed. At that time, the performers were not so tied to the current concept of 'original form' that they preserved the appearance of the designated time. Originally, Goseong Ogwangdae was centered on improvisation dance, not the formalized dance as it is now, and there was a certain fluid aspect in the retelling, so it was flexible in the use of masks even before the designation of cultural assets. Strict rules did not apply in the details, as it was a self-sufficient play by the performers, not an offer event. The form and contents of this fluid play are changed to preparation for the performance while preparing for the folk art contest. As the subject of the contest in self-sufficient play, dance, costumes, and props became more and more colorful as well as dancing, costumes, and props. As a result, participation in the contest brought about changes in the overall performance and changed the mask, which was accepted within the preservation society.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.93-121
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• 2011

This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.347-368
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• 2011

This article is a review of the composition pattern of Suryukjae, which is one of the Buddhist ceremonies, and a consideration of the performance process. As one of the ceremonies leading the dead to heaven performed in the Buddhist circle, Suryukjae had been performed in Buddhist temples nationwide, but currently, it remains only in several Buddhist temples. Suryukjae is composed as follows. First, the early part of Suryukjae is a stage of preparing Suryukjae and ensuring legitimacy; thus, it has no detailed Jaecha except for Gwanyok. It is made up of Onghoge and Dage, has no Somun, and is centered on Yojabbara. The middle part of Suryukjae is a part in which Suryukjae is performed on a full-scale, which wishes the achievement of the goal of Suryukjae. It is made up of Geobul, Dage, and Somun, and is centered on Sadaranibara. Furthermore, this part delineates the flow of the Jaecha concerned as it contains detailed Jaecha. Meanwhile, in the middle part of Suryukjae, there is only detailed Jaecha called Sajadanman Bongsong (sending off), and the rest parts including Orodan, upper part, middle part, and lower part, in which there is no detailed Jaecha called Bongsong. The fact that there is no Bongsong in this part means all Bongsong is made in Heuihyang Bongsong, which is the last Jaecha. This implies that Saja, which is enshrined in Sajadan, is the essence of the achievement of the goal of Suryukjae. Only when there is Saja, Muju, Yuju, and Gohon (the meaning of all spirits) can be led to heaven. Also, from a rough perspective, this part is connected to other Chundojae (ceremony for sending off the dead to heaven) in Korea. There is a geori(Jaecha) that calls in Saja also in Jinogigut (exorcism) of Seoul. Then, although various gods from the otherworld are coming in in succession, to which Saja enters clearly shows a process in that Saja returns to the next world with the dead through . Just as demonstrates a process in that Saja returns to the next world with the dead in Jinogigut, also in Suryukjae, Saja needs to return to the next world with Gohon; therefore, at least Sajadan has detailed Jaecha called Bongsong. That is, this means that although Suryukjae of Buddhism is different from other Chundojae in terms of the composition of Jaecha, its notion about Saja is the same.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.88-123
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• 2009

Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival is a local festival of Yeongnam that was initially designated as Intangible Cultural Heritage No. 44 "Hanjanggun Nori" in 1971 and finally became Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival in 2007. At first, few parts of it were designated for preservation and it was succeeded as a whole without connections between each part. Problems also rise from the fact that it has not been closely studied. Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival is mostly classified into five parts: Keungut, Yeowonmu, Hojanggut, Hanmyoje, and Jainpalgwangdae. This study has closely discussed each part as follows: 1. Keungut 1) Process and Contents of Keungut - Characteristics of Gut in Daegu and Gyeongsan 2) Presence of Performers that can Execute Traditional Gut of Local Area 3) Problems with the Name of Keungut - Ex: 'Hanjanggungut' or 'Keungut' 4) Problems of Dano Festival without Parts to Summon and Send off Spirits before and After Keungut and Restoration Measures 2. Yeowonmu 1) Essence of Yeowonmu and Yeowonhwa 2) Problems with the Mass Game of Hundreds of High School Girls 3) Origin and Succession of Yeowonmu 3. Hojanggut 1) Changes in Characters of Hojanggut 2) Composition and Characteristics of Hojanggut 3) Problems with the Name and Characteristics of Hojanggut 4. Jainpalgwangdae Nori 1) Similarity with Newly Created Shows 2) Problems with the Name of Palgwangdae 3) Difference with the Composition of Other Mask Dances 4) Dances and Movements Distinguished from Other Mask Dances in Yeongnam The following are the solutions suggested for Gyeongsan Jain Dano Festival. First, for the restoration of Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival, Dano festivals and Byeolsinje of nearby areas with clear traditions could be benchmarked. Second, the major content of Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival is 'Hanjanggungut,' and it has to be the leading content of the festival. Third, the structural principle of Korean festival must be adopted and the process and principle must correspond to those of other traditional shows. Fourth, as Gyeongsanjain Dano Festival is the comprehensive form of art, folk, and festival, each part must be closely related in a well-planned scenario. Fifth, Intangible talents and successful training must be widely acknowledged for successful transmission and responsible performances. Sixth, traditional festivals must be restored along with the discovery and development of various festival repertories and spectacles such as tour programs and experiential tours that contribute to local economy.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.105-158
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• 2011

Due to the system of sending selected hyanggi(local entertaining woman) to the government office in Seoul after the abolition of the system of gyeonggi(entertaining woman in capital area) during the reign of King Injo(1595~1649), the kyobang-jeongjae(local dance performed for the provincial government office) had gotten into the court to be performed at the royal banquet as gungjung-jeongjae(court dance), one of which was seonyurak(dance of boating). It used to be performed for finale of the royal banquet in the late Joseon Dynasty and appeared in several uigwes(record for royal banquet) since its first appearance in the wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongri-uigwe, documented in 1795, the 19th year of the reign of King Jeongjo. Considering that the yeoggi(female entertainer) responsible for the court dance, seonyurrak was the seonsanggi(selected entertaining woman from provinces) from the northwestern provincial villages such as Euiju, Ahnju, and Seongcheon etc., we can assume that the baettaragi, one of kyobang-jeongjaes whould have been getting into the court to become the seonyurrak as court dance. The baettaragi, kyobang-jeongjae of northwestern province that affected the development of the court dance, seonyurak was created as performance executed by entertaining women of kyobang(local supervisory office for entertaining women) on the basis of the fact that the envoy of Joseon dynasty to the Ming dynasty could not help but taking a sea route when Amaga Aisin Gurun had a grip on the northeastern area of China during the shift of power from Ming to Qing. There had been a lot of banquets for envoys in the northwestern province because of its geographical feature as gateway to trip to China and the baettaragi used to be performed by entertaining women belonged to local provincial office to consolate the sadness of separation with those who destined to depart to China and to hope for their safe return. The kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi of northwestern province is recorded as performance with sorrowful song to put the pain of parting into work, according to many related documents. It puts together painted boats as props, the march of a couple of dancer dressed up as soldier with marching music called gochiak, the song and musical accompaniment before getting on boat, the dramatic expression of sailing, and the farewell song praying for safe return etc. It turns the situation of dispatching envoys for China by sea into performance with combination of music, song and dance. Created in this way, the kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi had been performed at the various banquets for envoys departing for China and it affected the formation of court dance or gungjung-jeongjae called seonyurak through the activities of selected local entertaining women. It also exerted influence on other similar performance in provincial area because of the returning home of the selected local entertainers who finished their performance in Seoul and it had been performed with different variation at local banquet including locality in it.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.110-130
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• 2023

New years' rites serve a religious function to wish for well-being during the year by bidding farewell to the previous year and welcoming the next. In Japan, in mid-December, to welcome Toshigami, kadomatsu, and shimenawagazari are prepared, as well as osechi ryori to be eaten at the beginning of the year. On New Year's Day, people go to shrines and bow to the gods while saying Hatsumode (初詣). On the fifteenth day of the first month, in the course of a rite called Dondoyaki, all the decorations used in the first month and the amulet used in the previous year are burned. In Korea, when the Lunar New Year approaches, people prepare for their ancestral rites and clean their houses. On the first day of the new year, people hold ancestral rites for their ancestors. There are many different seasonal rites, taking place from the beginning of the year to the full moon. In China, Danwonban (團圓飯), in which the whole family sits together and eats on New Year's Eve, is important. Lights are brightly lit up all night, and the sound of firecrackers outside rings out loudly. On the door, the word chun-ryun is attached to wish for prosperity in the new year. According to the cycle of the four seasons, the first lunar month contains a high proportion of the seasonal rites that are repeated every year. The first month represents the beginning of a year, and various rituals are performed in order to wish for good health and abundance during the coming year. In addition, the "folk religious world view" is integral to annual new years' rites, so it is not difficult to understand the religious character and structure of the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese annual ceremonies. This study examines the current status of annual new years' rites in Korea, China, and Japan, and how the rites are structured according to the inflection points in the year. In addition, religious characteristics are reviewed in terms of gods, predictions, and fertility prayers, exorcisms, health, and restoration. In this way, it can be seen that various religious elements such as shamanism, agricultural faith, ancestor worship, Shintoism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism can be witnessed in the annual new years' rites of Korea, China, and Japan. In addition, differences in the presence or absence of these are shown to depend on the country.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.185-221
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• 2011

This study overseas compatriots in the North during the propagation and development of dance patterns and was going to be based, people living outside of the dance culture as a group of overseas Koreans, especially dance culture of Koreans in Japan, China are interested in and thought about the necessity of the study. Issues discussed in the literature of research results, autonomous community of Koreans in Japan ethnic Koreans and Chinese dance culture dance Choi Seung-hee starting point common was, two ethnic groups, directly or indirectly from the Choi Seung-hee learn to dance or have received specialized training to work, compiled by Choi Seung-hee Korea on the basis of basic dance training was learning the dance. In addition, specialized training and dance training institutions in the North Koreans in Japan Social Dance Group for the system, such as dance training in a separate place where talented people through the exhaust, to act in a professional troupes have maintained a system. In contrast, Chinese ethnic Koreans in Yanbian Autonomous University and Central University for Nationalities in the dance departments are stationed there, the transfer from the Joseon dance dance by educating gifted talents have been dispose, South Korea and similar aspects of the dance education system can be seen. Dance work based training and the tendency of Koreans in Japan in terms of social practice and dance in the North of basic training as basic training and specialized training, and work to represent the North korea's famous dance folk dance performances have been transmitted intact. In China, however, ethnic Koreans Choi Seung-hee compiled by borough basis and the work of the North korean dance training or specialized training received directly from her, she founded the dance student of Choi Seung-hee developed basic techniques of Chinese ethnic dance and ethnic Koreans in China, while receiving only Sewonaga dance training system as a deal on exchanges with the North Korean dance dancing free dance culture for creation peppered ethnic Koreans in China was formed. When passed down to the time, Koreans in Japan since the 1960s, society began to visit Pyongyang in the 1970s, subjected to a direct transfer, and education and through the 1990s, the North Koreans in Japan by inviting dancers and dance directly to basic training by getting education bukhanchum As can be seen in the spectacular aspects will have to reproduce. However, ethnic Koreans in China in the 1950s in districts in Beijing, Pyongyang and received direct guidance from Choi Seung-hee, Dancers from the North after Pyongyang rather than direct guidance on the occasion of his visit to China Dance Troupe was affected. On the other hand Korean dance since the 1990s, starting with Ethnic Koreans in China only began to absorb a different dance culture has been created. The same nation, yet living in the region and to configure the ethnic groups, the configuration of the system and political system, according to the North Dancing transfer process and the development pattern similar, but each of the identities to ensure their own traits with a dance culture, the formation and develop the arrival of You can find out. In other words, Koreans in Japan and Federation of Koreans in Japan under the control of social forces of the dance culture by Acculturation variation of dance culture, dance culture of the borough ethnic Koreans in China Acculturation by the voluntary and free borrowers were able to gauge the changes in development.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.98 no.1
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• pp.66-81
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• 2009

From a new perspective of "humans and the culture of forming and conserving the environment", the sustainable forest management can be reformulated under the concept of "cultural sustainability". Cultural sustainability is based on the emphasis of the high contribution to sustainability of the culture of forming and conserving the environment. This study extracts the implications to cultural sustainability for the modern world by investigating a historical case of the culturo-social pine forestry in the Joseon period of Korea. In the legendary and recorded acts by the first king Taejo, Seonggye Yi, Korean red pine (Pinus densiflora) was the "Royal tree" of Joseon and also the "Sajik tree" related intimately with the Great Sajik Ritual valued as the top rank within the national ritual regime that sustained the Royal Virtue Politics in Confucian political ideology. Into the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals of Joseon, elements of geomancy (Feng shui), folk religion, and Buddhism had been amalgamated. The deities worshipped or revered at the Sajik shrine were Earth-god (Sa) and crop-god (Jik). And it is the Earth god and the concrete entity, Sajik tree, that contains the legacy of sylvan religion descended from the ancient times and had been incorporated into the Confucian faith and ritual regime. Korean red pine as the Royal-Sajik tree played a critical role of sustaining the religio-political justification for the rule of the Joseon's Royalty. The religio-political symbolism of Korean red pine was represented in diverse ways. The same pine was used as the timber material of shrine buildings established for the national rituals under Neo-Confucian faith by the royal court of Joseon kingdom before the modern Korea. The symbolic role of pine had also been expressed in the forms of royal tomb forests, the Imposition Forest (Bongsan) for royal coffin timber (Whangjangmok), and the creation, protection, conservation and bureaucratic management of the pine forests in the Inner-four and Outer-four mountains for the capital fortress at Seoul, where the king and his family inhabit. The religio-political management system of pine forests parallels well with the kingdom's economic forest management system, called "Pine Policy", with an array of pine cultivation forests and Prohibition Forests (Geumsan) in the earlier period, and that of Imposition Forests in the later period. The royal pine culture with the economic forest management system had influenced on the public consciousness and the common people seem to have coined Malrimgat, a pure Korean word that is interchangeable with the Chinesecharacter words of prohibition-cultivation land or forest (禁養地, 禁養林) practiced in the royal tomb forests, and Prohibition and Imposition Forests, which contained prohibition landmarks (Geumpyo) made of stone and rock on the boundaries. A culturo-social forestry, in which Sajik altar, royal tomb forests, Whangjang pine Prohibition and Imposition forests and the capital Inner-four and Outer-four mountain forests consist, was being put into practice in Joseon. In Joseon dynastry, the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals with geomancy, folk religion, and Buddhism incorporated has also played a critical humanistic role for the culturo-social pine forestry, the one higher in values than that of the economic pine forestry. The implications have been extracted from the historical case study on the Royal-Sajik tree and culturo-social forestry of Joseon : Cultural sustainability, in which the interaction between humans and environment maintains a long-term culturo-natural equilibrium or balance for many generations, emphasizes the importance that the modern humans who form and conserve environment need to rediscover and transform their culturo-natural legacy into conservation for many generations and produce knowledge of sustainability science, the transdisciplinary knowledge for the interaction between environment and humans, which fulfills the cultural, social and spiritual needs.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.95-130
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• 2006

Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.