• Title/Summary/Keyword: 민간도교

Search Result 18, Processing Time 0.02 seconds

A Study on the Changes of the Sacred Activity of Changbai Mountain by Era (장백산 신성한 활동의 시대별 변천에 관한 연구)

  • Xu, Zhong-Hua;Jin, Shi-Zhu;Sung, Jong-Sang
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.49 no.3
    • /
    • pp.40-52
    • /
    • 2021
  • Various peoples lived in Changbai Mountain in each era, and the peoples of each period regarded Changbai Mountain as part of their own religious culture. Existing studies on the culture of Changbai Mountain are conducted only based on the events of a specific period, but how the sacredness of Changbai Mountain has changed from time to time, how it is related to the religious culture of the people of each period, and how sacred the areas and spaces have changed. There has been no research to that extent. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the meaning of Changbai Mountain's sacredness that has changed from time to time. In order to examine the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain through synchronicity, the study focused on the hierophany occurring between the religious culture of the peoples of each period and the space of Changbai Mountain. Specifically, the activities to protect the sacred objects and sacred spaces revealed by the hierophany were considered, and the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain was interpreted with the derived results. The summary of the results of this study is as follows. The sacred activities of Changbai Mountain have changed from time to time. During the pre-Qing dynasty, civilians performed incarnation rites, holy god rites, mountain god ceremonies, and willow god rites for livelihood and survival, and the king of the Jin dynasty offered rituals to the Changbai Mountain gods as rituals such as Four Mountains(Yuezhen). During the Qing Dynasty, the emperor built Wangji Temple and sent a government official to make a ritual to the Changbai Mountain god as the best ritual to symbolize the country. In modern times, Bagua Temple was built on the top of Changbai Mountain and sacrifices were made to the Changbai Mountain gods, and the nature of Changbai Mountain. Humans living in Changbai Mountain area were judged through the tricks of the Bagua Mountain. In addition, during this period, civilians performed ritual activities centering on the god Shanshenlaobatou, who personified life and production. In summary, the sacred activities of Changbai Mountain were shamanistic rituals based on animistic ideology in the pre-Qing dynasty, the best imperial rites for honoring the sacred as an imperial sanctuary in the Qing dynasty, and the Taoist ideology of migrants in the modern period. It had been transformed into a ceremonial activity. And the meaning of Changbai Mountain, viewed as a sacred activity, was elevated from the mountain of livelihood in the pre-Qing dynasty to the mountain of the nation in the Qing dynasty, and then changed to the mountain of modern production.

A Study on Commemoration Culture of Vietnam War Memorials in Vietnam (베트남전쟁 메모리얼에 나타난 기념문화)

  • Lee, Sang-Suk
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.39 no.3
    • /
    • pp.26-38
    • /
    • 2011
  • The purpose of this study was to analyze the commemoration culture of Vietnam War Memorials (VWM) in Vietnam. Through site survey, the researcher selected 23 VWM in Vietnam and analyzed 5 categories: memorial type, design concept and narratives, location and spatial form, landscape elements, and content expressed in landscape details. The results are as follows: 1. Because of the long, drawn out Vietnam War, which lasted from 1955 to 1975, VWM were divided into 10 types mainly as soldier cemeteries based on a traditional memorial style, battlefields and places of tragedies considering sense of place, war museums representing victory and atrocity in war, and peace parks promoting reconciliation and peacemaking. 2. The analysis revealed that the main concepts and narratives of VWM were to value the victims of the Vietnam War, remember soldiers' contributions, highlight the victory in war and resistance to the United States, and express a sense of place. Peacemaking applied only to My Lai Peace Park and Han-Viet Hoa Binh Cong Vien, built by international cooperation. 3. Cemeteries and appreciation memorials were designed to follow a traditional memorial space form that highly regard both axis and symmetry. The design concept at battlefields and places where tragedies occurred depended mainly upon a sense of place and used symbolic landscape elements to compensate for the undefined concept. 4. Sculptures and towers were mainly used to highlight war victory and resistance as the representative style of a Socialist country, weapons and pictures exhibited in war museums and battlefield showed the reality and strain of war. Symbolic elements of Buddhism and Confucianism were often introduced as a way to venerate the memory of deceased persons. 5. The state and heroic actions in the Vietnam War were realistically depicted on sculptures and walls. Also, the symbolic phrase, 'TO-QUOC-GUI-CONG' meaning 'our country remember your achievement', were written on the memorial tower and 'Quagmiire' was used to metaphorically represent the difficulties faced by the U.S. military on battlefields during the war and the uncertainly that pervaded U.S. society in those days. 6. In VWM, ideologies like nationalism, patriotism, socialism, capitalism were mixed and traditional cultures like Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism were inherent. Differing from their Confucianism culture, war heroes, particularly including women, were often described by sculpture, monument, and pictures and the conflict in and outside the country regarding the Vietnam War was shown. Further study will be required to analyze design characteristics of VWM in the u.s. and to understand the difference in commemoration cultures between Vietnam and the U.S.

Analysis on the actual state and plan for improvement for vocational courses are operated consignment in General high school (일반고등학교 직업과정 위탁 운영의 실태 분석 및 개선 방안)

  • Yoon, Kyoung-Suk;Yi, Sang-Bong
    • 대한공업교육학회지
    • /
    • v.36 no.2
    • /
    • pp.131-150
    • /
    • 2011
  • The purpose of this study vocational courses in general high schools in each city in order to operate efficiently. Provinces operating status and the general high school vocational courses through the regular high school vocational courses siltae analysis to identify operational problems, and that is to derive ways to improve. Operating in the desired direction, the typical high school vocational courses ilbango select students that meet the purpose of operating as one that students admit you need the correct promotion and career guidance and vocational courses ilbango teachers of vocational courses is operating correctly recognize the purpose and students with career guidance and vocational courses so that you can operate effectively at: Provincial Office-wide need to conduct a systematic study. Vocational courses also target students ilbango sosokgyo (wonjeokgyo) to be completed in the course stated in the plan for the school and the need to practice, and professional students ilbango by configuring a separate class is most preferable to operate. If the person is prime target, with each region run by creating a class needs to definitely consider. Entrusted to the agency's key performance improvements in order to improve the employment rate in the direction of promotional materials for the students selected to take advantage of college enrollment than the employment data for the students and their parents ilbango vocational courses for the purpose and intent is necessary to provide accurate information In addition, the employment rate is relatively low industrial (information) to install the school department employment, and employment representatives (industry-academia co-coordinator), and by placing career paths and industries to ensure the needs of industry, including working conditions and students who wish adjusting to the role, and industrial college (2 years), industrial (information) through the school's agreement to the aggressive promotional schemes seonchwieop hujinhak. Getting the need to encourage. Vocational courses ilbango in the new and the abolition, rather than the case of some popular course when you are away from work and there, so if the course-changing industry, new or repealed to reflect the demands of social work and careful review of how to connect carefully to decide by. Commissioned a systematic quality management in education, in terms of industry (information) schools and public vocational training institutions or private vocational school is better than school. However, 16 cities across the country. Also only five of the major cities around the school has industry information. Ilbango vocational courses at the expected continued demand. Degrees, the operation in terms of comparative advantage in many ways the school's new industry information is necessary to consider.

A Study on the Utilization and Symbolizes of the Joseon Dynasty Flowering Plant (조선시대 화훼식물의 이용과 상징성에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Seung-Min
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.32 no.2
    • /
    • pp.134-147
    • /
    • 2014
  • The purpose of this study is, focusing on the ancient paintings and literatures, by examining Flowering Plants and drawing their cultivating methods, to provide a ground of utilizing them on the modern landscaping. In the scope and method of this study, 766 pieces of ancient paintings(6 garden paintings and 760 folk paintings) which were available and had value as literatures, and 8 of ancient literatures were intensively examined. Main results extracted from them are as follows. First, the most frequently used Flowering Plants in Joseon Dynasty were Prunus mume, pbyllostachys, Nelumbo nucifera, Chrysanthemum morifolium, Musa basjoo, Rosa spp., Rhododendron mucronulatum, Paeonia lactiflora, which appeared 11 times to 16 times in total. Next frequently(4 times to 8 times) used Flowering Plants were Gardenia jasminoides, Punica granatum(8 times), Dianthus chinensis, Vitis vinifera(7 times), Orchidaceae, Syringa velutina, Impatiens balsamina, Hemerocallis fulva, Celosia cristata, Hibiscus Syriacus, Rhododendron indicum(6 times), Rhododendron, Rhododendron obutusum, Acorus calamus, Althaea rosea, Kerria japonica, Citrus junos(5 times), Hibiscus mutabilis, Lychnis cognata, Calendula officnalis, Begonia rex., Helianthus annuus, Papaver spp., Narcissus tazetta, Daphne odora, Hosta plantaginea(4 times). Second, usage of the Flowering Plants in Joseon Dynasty can be divided into character building and horticulture for pleasure through positive, scientific approach attempt. It suggests that there might have been classes in the use of them and we can estimate which plants were particularly preferred. Third, in the symbolicity of the usage of Flowering Plants, it can be divided into three parts: The case of representing integrity, gentleman, honesty and nobility and the thought of loyalty and filial piety under the influence of Confucianism. The case of representing Taoism's thought of hermit and perennial youth and long life. The case of representing wish on wealth and prosperity. So if we make a good use of it, we may draw a meaning of cultivation of Flowering Plants from it. This is your target audience or the good luck to all he plants is aimed at, you can see the occurred. Fourth, the Joseon Dynasty was the use of flowering plants are the line of rain wanted to be more consistent with the spirit world. This is shown as a symbol of their ancestors. Joseon Dynasty was used, resulting in a kind of flowering plant and is not a subjective judgement criteria A psychological approach to the side when interpreting the Joseon Dynasty flowering plants to take advantage of the landscape of the area will widen in scope.

A Study on the Characteristics of Humanistic Landscape in Pyongyang Castle through Pictorial Maps in the Late Joseon Dynasty (조선후기 회화식 고지도를 통해 본 평양성의 인문경관 특성)

  • Kim, Mi-Jung;So, Hyun-Su
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.38 no.2
    • /
    • pp.14-30
    • /
    • 2020
  • This study focuses on the fact that pictorial maps in the late Joseon Dynasty were conceptual diagrams with the place names perceived by the people at the time of their production. In this regard, targeting on five pictorial maps, the humanistic landscape characteristics of Pyongyang, which had cultural identities such as a historically old, commercial, and Pungnyu(appreciation for the arts) city, were derived as follows. First, the historic legitimacy of Pyongyang Castle was represented by ritual and religious facilities. They include 'Dangunjeon' and 'Gijagung' related to the nation founder, 'Munmujeong': the remains of Goguryeo, 'Sajikdan' & 'Pyongyanggangdan': the place of the national rites, Hyanggyo and Seowon: education & rite functions, Buddhism and Taoist facilities, 'Yongsindang', 'Sanshindang', and 'Jesindan': folk religion facilities. Gija-related facilities, which became symbols of Pyongyang due to the importance of Small-Sinocentrism and Gija dignity tendency, were distributed throughout Pyongyang Castle though, the facilities related to King Dongmyeong of Goguryeo and the spaces of religion praying for blessings are spread in Bukseong and on the riverside of Daedonggang each. Second, as a Pyongando Province's economic center, Pyongyang's commercial landscape was represented by logistics and transportation facilities. The Daedonggang River, which was in charge of transportation functions, had many decks such as 'Yangmyeongpo', 'Cheongryongpo' and 'Waeseongjin' and bridges, such as 'Yeongjegyo' and 'Gangdonggyo', which connected major transportation routes. The road network was created in Oeseong area to facilitate logistics transportation and management, and many warehouses named after the jurisdiction of Pyongyangbu were distributed near the roads and Provincial Offices of the main gates. In addition, it was characterized by the urban area systematically divided with hierarchical roads, 'Bukjangnim' of willow trees planted on the main entrance roads of Pyongyang Castle, a linear landscape created by 'Simnijangnim' consisting of mixed forests with elm trees. Third, Pungnyu City is realized by the distribution of amusement facilities. The riverside of Daedonggang adjacent to Naeseong exhibits characteristics of artificial landscape such as a canal leading to the inside of the castle, a docking facility with embankments, and a port with cargo ships anchored. However, Bukseong of the natural surroundings had numerous pavilions and platforms such as 'Bubyeongnu', 'Eulmildae', 'Choeseungdae', 'Jebyeokjeong' and engraved letters such as 'Cheongnyubyeok', 'Jangbangho'. 'Osunjeong', 'Byeogwolji', 'Banwolji' near 'Sachang', and 'Aeryeondang', built on the island of a square pond, created waterscape in Naeseong invisible from the Daedonggang, and for practical purposes, ponds and repeated willow vegetation landscape related to Gija were placed in the western rampart of Jungseong. In addition, 'Seonyeondong', a cemetery of Gisaeng, located near by Chilseongmun, was used as poem titles and themes by literary people, contributing to the creation of the Pungnyu image of Pyongyang.

The Context and Significance of Songs of the Dao of Great Gods (대화신도가사의 내용과 의의)

  • Kim Tak
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
    • /
    • v.43
    • /
    • pp.139-177
    • /
    • 2022
  • The only text that aids in the understanding of Songs of the Dao of Great Gods (大化神道歌詞), which was established by Yun Jin in 1984, is Mok-wun daegyeong (木運大經, The Great Scripture of Wood-Destiny) published by Oh Yeol-gyun in 1976. This scripture includes five songs: Wun-hoe dongbang-ga (運回東方歌, Songs of Destiny-Returning to the East), Gung-eul-ga (弓乙歌, Songs of Gung-eul), Dodeok-sa (道德詞, Morality Poems), Palguae-gugung byeon-yeok-ga (八卦九宮變易歌, Songs on the Changes of the Eight Trigrams and Nine Palaces), and Nakdang-ga (樂堂歌, Songs of the Paradisiacal Lands). Songs of the Dao of Great Gods, which is prone to embracing Daoist characteristics, is meant to be sung upon the realization of the Later World, the ideal earth. This is expressed as spring. In addition, we can easily find key terms such as Sampung-ga (三豊歌), Yangbaek-segye (兩白世界), Gung-eul-ga (弓乙歌), Gunggung-euleul (弓弓乙乙), Yanggung (兩弓), Euleul (乙乙), Gung-eul seonin (弓乙仙人), Samin-ilseok (三人一夕), Yijae-jeonjeon (利在田田), Gung-eul jiri (弓乙之理), Naenggeum-bugeum (冷金浮金), Seokjeong-gon (石井昆), Yangbaek (兩白), Sampung (三豊), and Sodumujok (小頭無足), all of which appear frequently in traditional prophecies and the faiths they have inspired. The precise meaning of these terms has yet to be revealed. Furthermore, Songs of the Dao of Great Gods contains lyrics prophesying that the return of the wood-destiny of the East and emphasizing the destiny of 3-8 wood as based on the Yellow River Chart (河圖). Songs of the Dao of Great Gods, originated the term, the World of Paradisiacal Lands (樂堂世界), and prophesyed that the wood-destiny of the East would return to create a new world that took Korea as its center. The text emphasized wood-destiny, symbolized by spring, and argued that the Dao of Great Gods could be ascetained from the principle of water-producing wood (水生木) found in the Eastern study of changes (易學) as approached by Choi Su-Wun (水雲), the founder of Donghak (東學).

Religious Characteristics and Structure of New Year's Rites During January in Korea, China, and Japan (한·중·일 정월 세시의례의 종교적 성격과 구조)

  • KIM Dukmuk
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.56 no.4
    • /
    • pp.110-130
    • /
    • 2023
  • New years' rites serve a religious function to wish for well-being during the year by bidding farewell to the previous year and welcoming the next. In Japan, in mid-December, to welcome Toshigami, kadomatsu, and shimenawagazari are prepared, as well as osechi ryori to be eaten at the beginning of the year. On New Year's Day, people go to shrines and bow to the gods while saying Hatsumode (初詣). On the fifteenth day of the first month, in the course of a rite called Dondoyaki, all the decorations used in the first month and the amulet used in the previous year are burned. In Korea, when the Lunar New Year approaches, people prepare for their ancestral rites and clean their houses. On the first day of the new year, people hold ancestral rites for their ancestors. There are many different seasonal rites, taking place from the beginning of the year to the full moon. In China, Danwonban (團圓飯), in which the whole family sits together and eats on New Year's Eve, is important. Lights are brightly lit up all night, and the sound of firecrackers outside rings out loudly. On the door, the word chun-ryun is attached to wish for prosperity in the new year. According to the cycle of the four seasons, the first lunar month contains a high proportion of the seasonal rites that are repeated every year. The first month represents the beginning of a year, and various rituals are performed in order to wish for good health and abundance during the coming year. In addition, the "folk religious world view" is integral to annual new years' rites, so it is not difficult to understand the religious character and structure of the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese annual ceremonies. This study examines the current status of annual new years' rites in Korea, China, and Japan, and how the rites are structured according to the inflection points in the year. In addition, religious characteristics are reviewed in terms of gods, predictions, and fertility prayers, exorcisms, health, and restoration. In this way, it can be seen that various religious elements such as shamanism, agricultural faith, ancestor worship, Shintoism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism can be witnessed in the annual new years' rites of Korea, China, and Japan. In addition, differences in the presence or absence of these are shown to depend on the country.

Dispersion of Standing Stones at Noseongsan(Mt.Noseong) and Aspect of the Stone Decorated Garden(Soo-suk Jeongwon) at Chongsuk-Sa(Chongsuk Buddhist Temple) in Nonsan City (논산 노성산(魯城山)의 입석(立石) 분포와 총석사(叢石寺) 수석(樹石)의 정원적 면모)

  • Rho, Jae Hyun;Huh, Joon;Jang, Il Young
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.43 no.1
    • /
    • pp.160-189
    • /
    • 2010
  • This study has been designed to grasp the present situation, shapes and meaning of the standing stones and rock pillars in the whole area of Noseong Mountain Fortress in Nonsan City which have never been academically reported yet. Accordingly, the research was carried out to grasp the spatial identity of Noseong Mt. and Noseong Mountain Fortress and the dispersion of standing stones scattered around inside and outside Noseong Mountain Fortress, while the shapes and structural characteristics of stones were investigated and analyzed focusing on Chongsuk Temple, which was considered to have the highest density of standing stones and greatest values for preservation as a cultural property. In consideration of the reference to the 'Top Sa' (tower temple) at the 'Bul Woo Jo' (Article about Buddhism Houses) of 'Shinjoong Dongguk Yeoji Seungram', theoretical existence of the temple according to surveying investigation, and the excavation records of roof tile pieces with the name of 'Gwan Eum Temple', it is presumed that there had been a Buddhist sanctum inside the fortress and it could be connected to the carved letters, 'Chongsuk Temple'. According the observation survey, the 6th place of standing stones among many other places inside the fortress shows that Chongsuk Temple appears to have the strong characteristics of artificially constructed space in consideration of the size of trees and stones, the composite trend of tree and stone composition, and trace of the adjacent well and strand and the construction of stairway leading to the stone gate. Along with the constellation of the Big Dipper carved on a rock at the same space, the stones, on which the letters of 'Shinseonam', 'Chilseongam' and 'Daejangam' were carved, including 'Chongsuksa', and the carved statue of Buddha, which was assumed to be Avalokitesvara Guan Yin, have offered clue which make it possible to infer that the space was a space for Chilseong and Mountain god(Folk Belief) that had originated from the combination of Buddhism, Taoism and folk religion. According to the actual measurement of standing stones at Chonsuk Temple, it was identified that there were big differences in height among 24 stones in total, ranging from 402~29cm and the averaged distance between each stone appeared to be 23.6cm. And the shape of stones appeared to be standing or flat, and various stones such as mountain-like stones and Buddha-like stones were placed in a special arrangement or assorted arrangement, but the direction of the stones had a consistency pointing to the west. And comparing to the trace of construction of ZEN Landscape Garden well known in the country, the three flat stones except for the standing and shaped stones appeared to have the shape of meditation statue, which is the typical formational factors of a ZEN Landscape Garden, on the basis of formational technique of stones. Among them, the flat stone facing the Buddhist saint statue, was formed by way of symbolization of three-mountain stone, which was assumed to be an offering stone for sacrificial food rather than carrying out ZEN Meditation. In consideration of the formation of standing stones at Chong-suk Temple, which was carried out in the composite stoning method based using the scalene triangle with ratio of 3:5:7 in order to seek the in-depth beauty based on the stone statues of three Buddhas where the three factors such as heaven, earth and humans are embodied in the elevated or flat formation, the stones at Chongsuk Temple and the space seemed to the trace of contracted garden construction that was formed with stones for a temple, so that could be used for ZEN meditation.