• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.121-133
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• 2004

This study is about japanese national suit. women's standard dress, and mompe, which were used as a means of controlling people's life and simplifying people's clothing during the chinese-japanese war(1937) and the pacific war(1941-1945). National suit was a semi-military uniform for men and it was the western style suit composed of jacket, under shirt, and pants. National suit was not popular during the early war, but it became popular afterward. Women's standard dress had the two kinds of styles : the kimono and the western style. Women's standard dress was not popularly distributed. Instead, many japanese women wore mompe, the active wear of standard dress. Almost all of japanese women wore mompe by the end of war because of its practical use. The effects of national suit, standard dress, and mompe on the rapid westernization of postwar japanese clothing can be summarized as follows. First, national suit and standard dress contributed to the official acceptance of the western clothes as japanese daily clothes. Second, national suit, standard dress, and mompe changed the traditional view of japanese on clothing and caused the rapid westernization of japanese clothing with the high emphasis on the practical and functional use of clothing. Especially, as japanese women wore mompe as the outer garment, mompe affected the view of japanese on women's body and it served as an important stimulus to speed the westernization of japanese women's clothing.

• Preventive Nutrition and Food Science
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.303-309
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• 2009

This study compares Korean and Japanese college women's self-evaluation on obesity and examines their attitude to weight control. The subjects of this study were 101 college women residing in Daegu-si of Korea and 123 Japanese college women living in Saga-ken of Japan. A survey was conducted by each of the participants and was analyzed. This self-evaluation on obesity revealed that 47.5% of Korean college women answered that they were obese while 31.7% of Japanese college women responded they were. The results of this study show that there are about 5% of college women in both Japan and Korea who thought they were obese, even though they were actually normal or underweight. Both Korean and Japanese women who considered themselves obese selected wrong eating habits as the cause of their obesity. In terms of their recognition on ashamedness, Japanese college women showed rather stronger recognition than Korean ones. In addition, more Korean college women responded that they had been suggested to lose weight than Japanese ones. In terms of the factors that motivate weight control, few women in either Korea or Japan controlled their weight for health reasons. Most of the Korean and Japanese college women chose the size of their clothes, their undesirable look reflected on the mirror, or having no boyfriend as the chief motivating factors for weight control. In terms of their attitude towards weight control, Japanese college women checked their weight more frequently than Korean ones. Moreover, both Korean and Japanese college women were directly motivated to lose weight while they were talking with their friends.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.28 no.6
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• pp.758-766
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• 2004

The purpose of this study was to compare Korean and Japanese female college students' body sizes, their perceptions about body size, and body satisfaction based on similar cultural background. Subjects consisted of 185 Korean students and 91 Japanese students from October to December, 2000. The age range was 18 to 28 years. We measured body sizes of subjects directly and examined by questionnaire the degree of body cathexis, perceived body size, ideal body size. The results were as followed. 1) Korean women had slimmer silhouette with longer arm and longer leg than Japanese, while Japanese women had more voluminous silhouette with smaller waist circumstance and bigger hip circumstance than Korean. 2) There were not differences between perception about each body size of the Korean women and Japanese women, except arm length. Especially, two groups felt themselves as greater on thigh. 3) There were not differences between satisfaction about body of Korean women and Japanese women, except height. Generally, two groups had lower body satisfaction on each body area, especially on thigh, lower body part, abdomen, hip, and weight. 4) Perception of body size had higher correlation with body satisfaction than actual body size. Lower satisfaction was related to more negative perception of body size. 5) Regarding ideal body size, Korean women pursued bigger height, weight, waist, and hip than Japanese. However, Japanese women pursued bigger bust than Korean. This means that Japanese women pursued more voluminous body silhouette.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.60 no.4
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• pp.162-178
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to find aesthetic characteristics of Korean and Japanese women's traditional costumes in Modernization that happened in Korea and Japan during the late 19th century and the 20th century. The meaning of modernity has indefinite and comprehensive aspects, and the essence of modernity is found in searching for new changes. Modernization is the process of realizing modernity, and costume modernization can be discussed from the viewpoint of seeking new changes, functionality and popularization of costume. As Korean and Japanese costumes went through modernization, western costume became daily clothes of both two countries. The modernization of Korean and Japanese women's traditional costumes were achieved in the two directions. First, Korean and Japanese women's traditional costumes changed to search for functionality modeled of western costume. Korean costume went through dress reform movement and were generally simplified. Japanese costume made a change of wearing mode and introduced new garment like 'Hakama'. Second, the new style of traditional costume appeared. In Korea, 'Saenghwal Hanbox' was shown in the late 20c and in Japan, The reproduced dress(更生服)' and The women's standard dress(婦人標準服)' were shown in the late 1930's and the early 1940's. These kinds of new garment style were the more active compromise between the East and the West.

• Archives of design research
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• v.21
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• pp.195-204
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• 1997

This study is the comparative analysis of the image structure young korean and Japanese on the present day consumer goods. Korean young men and women have image structure with 3factors of "minute-simplicity" , "practical-nan-practical ", "light-heavy", Japanese young men have those with, "light-heavy", "gay-quiet", "graceful-unstylish". And Japanese young women have those with, "gay-quiet", "light-heavy", "graceful-unstylish". Korean men and women have the same image structure. While Japanese men and women have different image structures. Korean young men and women are sensitive to decoration elements of consumer goods. Japanese young women are also sensitive to the decoration element. Korean young men and women and the Japanese young women seem to grasp their image on the consumer goods at the level of recognition, However, Japanese young men seem to grasp their image on the consumer goods at the level of sense of value.er, Japanese young men seem to grasp their image on the consumer goods at the level of sense of value.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.65 no.6
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• pp.63-78
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• 2015

This study explored culture adaptive attitudes and traditional dress donning practices among Japanese women who immigrated to Korea after marrying Korean men. Quantitative research was conducted on Korean-Japanese multicultural families. Participants were 233 married women who emigrated from Japan to Korea currently living in Seoul and Gyeonggi Province. The data was analyzed using frequency analysis, t-test and correlation analysis. The findings were as follows: First, a positive relationship was found between Hanbok acceptance attitudes(HAA) and Kimono transmission attitudes(KTA). Both HAA and KTA had a positive relationship with ethnic identity. 43.3% of the respondents thought that they belonged both to Korean and Japanese ethnicity, 30.5% to Korean ethnicity, and 26.2% to Japanese ethnicity. Similar tendency (64.8% to bicultural identity, 31.3% to Korean, and 3.9% to Japanese) was found in the ethnic orientation towards their children. Both HAA and KTA had no difference in accordance with nationality, education and income level. Second, 70.4% of women had no experience of wearing Hanbok, and 90.1% had no experience of wearing Kimono. The women mostly wore Hanbok and Kimono for social events and family weddings.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.333-345
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• 2003

We conducted a survey on Japanese women's consciousness of food culture and their traditional food consumption by self filling-out questionnaire during January, 2000 for the period of a month, For the survey we selected 250 women residing in Kyoto, Japan. For the statistic work we used SAS package system, and t-test, $\cal{X}^2-test$ and Duncan's multiple range test were also used to verify the results significance. The purpose of this survey lies in gathering a basic data on the comparative direction of Korean and Japanese women's food culture in the future 1. Comparing the preferred food purchase place, In case of Korean women, traditional market was comparatively more preferred while Japanese women relatively preferred convenience store (p<0.001). 2. In case of Japanese women, they answered there is no difference from ordinary days on New Year's Day (71%) and Christmas (40%) while 38% answered they prepare food at home. 40% said they prepare food on parents-in-law's birthday, and 41% said no difference from ordinary days. 52% said they prepare food at home on husband's birthday. For their own birthday, 32% said yes to preparing food at home while 45% said no difference and 22.3% said eating out. For children's birthday 65% said preparing at home, 16.3% said no difference and 14.9% said eating out. 3. Comparing the conception on traditional food, Korean women answered 'complicated' (77%) most while 'simple' (5%) least, which indicates their demands for simplified recipes. In case of Japanese women, 'complicated' (44%) was most while 'scientific' (6%) was least which indicates their demands for scientific way of recipes. There were differences shown by age (p<0.001) and the older the more said 'simple' or 'logical' (p<0.01). 4. As the reason for the complicity of traditional food recipes, Koreans said 'too many hand skill' (60%) most while 'too many spices' (8%) least. For Japanese, 'various kind of the recipe' (55%) was most while 'too many hand skill' (7%) was least. There were significant differences shown by academic background (p<0.01) and income(p<0.01), and the lower the academic background, the more said 'too many spices' as the reason for the complicity in making traditional food. Generally, the lesser the income, the more tendency to say 'various kinds of the recipe'. 5. In case of Koreans, 'the recipe is difficult' (56%) was high while 'uninterested' (9%) was low in answer which showed differences by academic background (p<0.05), and in case of Japanese, 'no time to cook' (44%) was high while 'uninterested' (7%) was low. 6. The following is the reasons for choosing traditional food as a snack for children. In case of Koreans, they answered as 'traditional food' (34%), 'made from nutrious and quality materials' (27%), 'for education' (22%) and 'suites their taste' (17%) revealing 'traditional food' is highest. In case of Japanese, it was revealed in the order of 'made from nutrious and quality materials' (36.3%), 'traditional food' (25.2%), 'suites their taste' (22.6%), 'for education' (12.8%) and 7. Comparing the most important thing for the popularization of traditional food in the world, Koreans answered 'taste and nutrition' (45%) most while 'shape and color' (6%) least. In case of Japanese, 'taste and nutrition' (75%) was answered most while 'hygienic packaging' (4%) was least. Both considered 'taste and nutrition' as most important thing for the popularization of traditional food in the world. 8. In case of Koreans, they answered they learn how to make traditional food 'from mother' (47%), 'media' (18%), 'school' (15%), 'from mother-in-law' (14%), 'private cooking school' (4%) and 'close acquaintances' (2%). In case of Japanese, they said mostly learn 'from mother', but it was also shown that the lower the academic background the lesser the tendency of learning 'from mother' but 'from school' (p<0.001). 9. About the consumption of traditional fermented food, Koreans said they make kimchi (90%), pickled vegetables (39%), soy sauce (33%), bean paste (38%), salted fishery (12%) and traditional liquors (14%) at home while 67% for salted fishery and 48% for traditional liquors answered they buy rather than making at home. On the other hand, Japanese answered they mostly buy kimchi (60%), soy sauce (96%), bean paste(91%), natto(92%), salt fermented fish foods (77%) and traditional alcoholic beverage (88%) to eat. This difference was shown very distinct between Korean and Japanese women (p<0.001). 10. About the most important thing in food, Koreans answered in the order of 'liking and satisfaction' (33%), 'for health' (32%), 'for relieve hunger' (18%) and 'convenience' (17%). In case of Japanese, it was revealed in the order of 'for health' (61%), 'liking and satisfaction' (20%), 'to relieve hunger' (16%) and 'convenience' (3%). This shows that Japanese women take comparably more importance to health than Korean women. The conception of food was shown different between Korean and Japanese women (p<0.001), and Koreans showed level 4-5 of food culture while Japanese showed level 5.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.15-29
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• 2015

The purpose of this study was to explore ethnic socialization enacted by Japanese marriage migrant women currently raising 7- to 18-year-old children in Korea. To accomplish this goal, we examined the following research questions: (1) What is the level of ethnic socialization enacted by Japanese marriage migrant mothers? (2) Does the level of ethnic socialization vary by demographic and ethnocultural factors? (3) To what extent do demographic and ethnocultural factors influence the enactment of ethnic socialization by Japanese marriage migrant mothers? The sample consisted of 243 Japanese marriage migrant women currently raising 7- to 18-year-old children in Korea. For data analysis, T-test, correlation, ANOVA, and hierarchical regression analyses were used. Also, we performed separate analyses for two subtypes of ethnic socialization in particular, namely cultural socialization and preparation for bias. Ethnocultural factors examined in this study were the level of discrimination experience, Japanese ethnic identity, and husbands' ethnic orientation in childrearing. The main results of this study were as follows. First, results showed that Japanese marriage migrant women enacted moderate levels of cultural socialization and preparation for bias. Second, Japanese marriage migrant women's cultural socialization and preparation for bias were both positively related to the levels of women's discrimination experience and Japanese ethnic identity. Also, the younger the age of the firstborn child, the more preparation for bias these women performed. In addition, women whose Korean husbands wanted to raise their children more biculturally performed more cultural socialization compared to those with Korean husbands who wanted to raise their children as Korean. Third, hierarchical regression analyses revealed that women's discrimination experience and ethnic identity positively predicted both types of ethnic socialization. Also, Korean husband's bicultural orientation towards childrearing predicted a higher level of cultural socialization by Japanese marriage migrant women. Results of this study provide basic information about ethnic socialization among multicultural families in Korea, which can be useful for promoting positive self-identity among multicultural children. Furthermore, the results suggest that husbands' support and cooperation in ethnic socialization can be crucial for marriage migrant women to socialize their children utilizing their cultural and experiential resources.

• The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
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• no.32
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• pp.215-275
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• 2017

In the absence of the alternative public space of women in Japan, the experience of the "Bongseonhwa" was interpreted as the public domain of Japanese society as a public domain, a confession that focused on gender discrimination in the patriarchal system of Japan, Most of the enemy discourse is. These alienated discourses are the product of the efforts of women in Japan who do not want to forget about the traces and memories that can not be incorporated into the big narrative. It can not be denied that the women in the society of Japan have been excessively excluded and alienated by national ideology and patriarchal ideology. The meaning of presenting them through "Bongsinghwa" is the resistance of the minority, and it is the expression way of reconstructing and strengthening the identity of the women, and it is said to be a space of symbolic meaning. It is further clarified that it is based on a narrative that creates a new life area for coexistence with Japanese society, on the other hand, by constantly searching for the linkage with the motherland, held by women in Japan. As a result, between public social phenomena and private living space, confirmed that it conflicts with repetitive internal contradiction of controlling power and confirmed that complicated and detailed material of women living in Japan who undergo double discrimination What has been expressed over a period is considered to be a resistance expression and a will of expression of reconciliation to coexist with Japanese society. I have attempted to analyze the confessed alienated discourse of "Bongsinghwa" by classifying it as . As a result, it is confirmed that the public social phenomenon and the private life space are confronted with the repetitive internal contradictions of the power of domination, and the expression of the complex and detailed material of the discriminated women in Japan over a long period of time is a resistance to symbiosis with Japanese society And the will of the conversation.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.14
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• pp.125-158
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• 2012

After liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945, there was the three-year period of United States Army Military Government in Korea. In 1948, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and Republic of Korea were established in the north and south of the Korean Peninsula. The Republic of Korea is now a modern state set in the southern part of the Korean. We usually refer to Koreans as people who belong to the Republic of Korea. Can we say that is true exactly? Why make of this an obsolete question? The period from 1945 when Korea was emancipated from Japanese colonial rule to 1948 when the Republic of Korea was established has not been a focus of modern Korean history. This three years remains empty in Korean history and makes the concept of 'Korean' we usually consider ambiguous, and prompts careful attention to the silence of 'some Koreans' forced to live against their will in the blurred boundaries between nation and people. This dissertation regards 'Koreans' who came to live in the border of nations, especially 'Korean-Japanese third generation women artists'who are marginalized both Japan and Korea. It questions the category of 'Korean women's art' that has so far been considered, based on the concept of territory, and presents a new perspective for viewing 'Korean women's art'. Almost no study on Korean-Japanese women's art has been conducted, based on research on Korean diaspora, and no systematic historical records exist. Even data-collection is limited due to the political situation of South and North in confrontation. Representation of the Mother Country on the Artworks by First and Second-Generation Korean-Japanese(Zainich) Women Artists after Liberation since 1945 was published in 2011 is the only dissertation in which Korean-Japanese women artists, and early artistic activities. That research is based on press releases and interviews obtained through Japan. This thesis concentrates on the world of Korean-Japanese third generation women artists such as Kim Jung-sook, Kim Ae-soon, and Han Sung-nam, permanent residents in Japan who still have Korean nationality. The three Korean-Japanese third generation women artists whose art world is reviewed in this thesis would like to reveal their voices as minorities in Japan and Korea, resisting power and the universal concepts of nation, people and identity. Questioning the general notions of 'Korean women' and 'Korean women's art'considered within the Korean Peninsula, they explore their identity as Korean women outside the Korean territory from a post-territorial perspective and have a new understanding of the minority's diversity and difference through their eyes as marginal women living outside the mainstream of Korean and Japanese society. This is associated with recent post-colonial critical viewpoints reconsidering myths of universalism and transcendental aesthetic measures. In the 1980s and 1990s art museums and galleries in New York tried a critical shift in aesthetic discourse on contemporary art history, analyzed how power relationships among such elements as gender, sexuality, race, nationalism. Ghost of Ethnicity: Rethinking Art Discourses of the 1940s and 1980s by Lisa Bloom is an obvious presentation about the post-colonial discourse. Lisa Bloom rethinks the diversity of race, ethnicity, sexuality, and gender each artist and critic has, she began a new discussion on artists who were anti-establishment artists alienated by mainstream society. As migration rapidly increased through globalism lead by the United States the aspects of diaspora experience emerges as critical issues in interpreting contemporary culture. As a new concept of art with hybrid cultural backgrounds exists, each artist's cultural identity and specificity should be viewed and interpreted in a sociopolitical context. A criticism started considering the distinct characteristics of each individual's historical experience and cultural identity, and paying attention to experience of the third world artist, especially women artists, confronting the power of modernist discourses from a perspective of the white male subject. Considering recent international contemporary art, the Korean-Japanese third generation women artists who clarify their cultural identity as minority living in the border between Korea and Japan may present a new direction for contemporary Korean art. Their art world derives from their diaspora experience on colonial trauma historically. Their works made us to see that it is also associated with postcolonial critical perspective in the recent contemporary art stream. And it reminds us of rethinking the diversity of the minority living outside mainstream society. Thus, this should be considered as one of the features in the context of Korean women's art.