• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.288-318
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• 2023

This work began with the aim of examining the history of the concept "cultural property" that is expected to disappear, and the main subject of research was the history that preceded the spread of this notion throughout society. The phrase "cultural property" first appeared in the 1920s, and was used in various fields such as literature, history, music, and philosophy in the context of cultural resources. Until immediately following liberation from the Japanese colonial era, the meaning of cultural assets was widely applied in the range of "cultural resources," and during this period, it was often used to help supplant the reality and history of Japanese occupation. Immediately after the Korean War, it was also employed for the purpose of 'restoration of cultural resources through war'. Recognition of cultural property directly influenced by Japan's Cultural Heritage Protection Act has occurred since 1950s. In the early 1960s, the enactment of various laws related to cultural properties and the establishment of the Cultural Heritage Administration caused the meaning of cultural property to be limited to 'cultural heritage'. In this way, the definition of state-led cultural property has continued to apply to this day. It has not been clearly confirmed whether the concept of cultural properties was imported from Japan through means such as the Cultural Heritage Protection Act. Cases in which several Japanese students endorsed the concept of cultural property within Korea serve to increase the likelihood that the concept was indeed imported from Japan. However, "coined language using multiple Chinese characters," "the phenomenon of cultural complex words in the 1920s,", and "cases of non-Japanese international students using the concept of cultural property" also open up the possibility of their own occurrence. Apart from the general importance of the concept of cultural property, intellectuals at the time used this concept to promote internal development and the overcoming of colonial Joseon. In this research, it was confirmed that the conceptual word cultural property was older and had a wider history than the general perception had indicated previously. The history of the conceptual term "cultural property" may appear to be more than 60 years old based on the enactment of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act, but in fact it is nearly 100 years old when traced back to on 1925, as established here. In general, the creation and disappearance of terms may proceed naturally with social change, but such terms may alternatively be created or erased through national policy. Identifying the origins of a phrase that is about to disappear represents a significant task for purposes of establishing its historical meaning.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.1-52
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• 1991

This study deals with the evolutional history of the holding and utilization of fisheries resources in Korea. Fisheries resources have the basic characteristics of the density dependent self-regulating renewable and common property resources, Irrational utilization of fisheries resources is mainly due to the unlimited access to the resources. The holding and utilization of fisheries resources in Koryo era was opened to everyone. But it was nationalized in the early Yi Dynasty. The purpose of its nationalization was to provent the paticular powered-man with their monoplized holding and to levy fisheries tax. Eoeop-peop, the first modern fisheries law in Korea, was enacted as a part of the invasion policy of Japan in 1908. With the japanese annexation of Korea in 1910, the Japanese Government established a new institutional system of fisheries as a part of an overall reformation of the institutional for an implementation of the colonial policy. It was very the new enacted Fisheries Law (Gyogyorei). Also the Government enacted compulsorily another new Fisheries Law (Chosen Gyogyorei) with its adjunct laws and regulations revise the institutional system of fisheries on May 1, 1930. After Eoeop-peop enactment, the fisheries resources in Korea could be used only under the license, permission, and statement. After Korea was from Japan in 1945, Korea Government at last enacted the new fisheries law (Susaneop-peop) in 1953. The goal of Susaneop-peop was to achive the general usage and protection of the fisheries resources, and to attain the development and democratization of the fishery in Korea. This law was amended 13 times until 1990. The license fishery have a legal right on the fishery, called a fishery rigt. This right means a right of exclusive occupation and utilization of a unit of the inshore fishing grounds. The main evolutional issues of license fishery are as the following : 1) the foundation of the exclusive usable fishery right(1911, Gyogyorei), 2) the deletion of the settled U9space lift net and settled space sein net fishery, and the expansion of the cooperative fishery-No.1, 2, and 3 type cooperative fishery-(3rd amendment, 1963), 3) the deletion of the No.2 and 3 type cooperative fishery, and the separation of the culturing fishery in No.1 and 2 type culturing fishery (13th amendment, 1990). The effective period of the license fishery was amended as the following : 1) 1908(Eoeop-peop) : within 10 years, renovation system, 2) 1929(Chosen Gyogyorei) : within 10 years, unlimited extension system, 3) 1971. 7th amendment : 10 years, renovation system, 4) 1972. 8th amendment : 10 years, only 1 extension system, 5) 1975. 9th amendment : 5-10 years, only 1 extension system, 6) 1990.13th amendment : 10 years, within 10 years of total extensional years. The priority order of the fishery license was established in 1953 (Susaneop-peop). The amendment of it is as follows : 1) 1953. enactment \circled1 the fishing grounds that the fishery right is extablished 1st order : the existing fishery right man, unlimited renovation 2nd order : the corporate that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 new fishing grounds 1st order : the corporate that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the rest experienced fishermen 2) 1971. 9th amendment \circled1 the fishing grounds that the fishery right is established 1st order : the existing fishery right man, unlimited renovation 2nd order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 4th order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 new fishing grounds 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen 3) 1981. 10th amendment \circled1 the inside of No.1 type cooperative fishing grounds 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd orer : the rest experienced fishermen 4) 1990. 13th amendment \circled1 No.1 type cultural fishery 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 No.2 type cultural and settle fisher : general priority order The effective period of the permission fishery was amended 6 timed. First, it was within 5 years and renovation system (Eoeop-peop). Now it is 5 years and renovation system. The effective period of the statement fishery was amended 4 times. First, it was within 5 years, and then was amended within 3 years(Chonsen Gyogyorei). Now it is 5 years.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.64-87
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• 2020

The cultural property management system of Korea was established based on the modern cultural assets acts and the old imperial estate management system enacted during the Japanese occupation. Academics have researched the cultural property management system oriented on the modern cultural assets acts, but few studies have been conducted into the old imperial estate management system, which is another axis of the cultural property management system. The old imperial estate was separated from the feudal capital by the Kabo Reform, but was dismantled during the colonial invasion of Japan and managed as a hereditary property of the colonial royal family during the Japanese colonial period. After establishment of the government, the Imperial Estate Act was enacted in 1954 and defined the estate as a historical cultural property managed by the Imperial Estate Administration Office. At this time, imperial estate property that was designated as permanent preservation property was officially recognized as constituting state-owned cultural assets and public goods in accordance with Article 2 of the Act's supplementary provisions during 1963, when the first amendment to the Cultural Property Protection act was implemented. In conclusion, Korea's cultural property formation and cultural property management system were integrated into one unit from two different sources: modern cultural assets acts and the old imperial estate property management system. If the change of modern cultural assets acts was the process of regulating and managing cultural property by transplanting and applying regulations from Japan to colonial Joseon, the management of the imperial estate was a process by which the Japanese colonized the Korean Empire and disposed of the imperial estate. Independence and the establishment of the government of the Republic of Korea provided the opportunity to combine these two different streams into one. Finally, this integration was completed with the establishment of the Protection of Cultural Properties Act in 1962.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.27-36
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• 2015

This study analyzed the characteristics of the entries at the design competition for the Hoehyeon section of Namsan from a perspective of the Historic Urban Landscape and made suggestions from them. Hoehyeon, located at the foot of Namsan, is the most changing site in the park and Seoul City Wall. Recent excavation of the old city walls of the Joseon Era has uncovered evidence of the Japanese occupation period, making it a site where park facilities in modern and contemporary history coexist. The frame analysis has been made by the concept of the Historic Urban Landscape, the methods of approach, specialists' discussion and the guidelines of the competition. The entries were analyzed by classification of the understanding of the spatiality and cultural diversity, the recognition of the periodic layers of time, and the design implementation, the preservation, the park plan, and the future management plan. From a perspective of an Historic Urban Landscape, this study has found that each entry placed priority on the objects for preservation and suggested creative involvement and comprehensive designs for the preservation and the park plan through the understanding of the spatiality and cultural diversity and the reflection of the periodic layers of time in the designs. This study provided two implications. Firstly, there was a possibility for new recognition and the methods of approach for preservation and development. Secondly, the basic plan for the Historic Landscape should be established through research and mapping for the preservation and management of objects in Seoul having valuable historic variability. Further study for resident participation and the process by network from public to private should be taken. This study looks forward to the consideration of the direction for the design plans of places with historic and cultural value.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.137-151
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• 2007

The characteristics of Hyeonmoyangcheo-ism (wise mother, good wife) in the 1950s, which were observed through the girls' school curriculums and homekeeping textbooks, were arranged as follows. Firstly, Hyeonmoyangcheo-ism in homekeeping textbooks in the 1950s stressed the modern housewife. The Confucianwomen's virtues, such as submissiveness, faithfulness and samjongjido (obedience to father, husband and son), that were in girls' moral training and home management textbooks during the Japanese imperialism. This was a part of girls' education built on democracy and equality asserted by a new Korea, the 'modern nation'. Secondly, with the increasing demands for women's labor after the Korean War, women's occupations were reinforced and incorporated in homekeeping textbooks in the 1950s. Even though having a job was a secondary task to the role of a homemaker, the details of women's occupation illustrates the characteristics of Hyeonmoyangcheo-ism in this period of time. Thirdly, The resident practice program emphasized the tradition women's behavior along with the modern homemaker, the rational designer of homekeeping. This seems to have been reinforced from the criticism towards women based on Westernization after the Korean War.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2008.05a
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• pp.262-269
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• 2008

This research, to find the cultural identity of taekwondo, presents the historical origin of taekwondo in lights of Choi-centric theory, kwan-centric theory, karate inflow theory, and successive traditional martial arts theory. Then it investigates taekwondo's inner identity as a Korean traditional martial art according to presence, popularity, and independence, three factors of identity suggested by Tak, S. S.(2000).As a result, it reached these conclusions: First, taekwondo was formed after going through fusion of Hong Hi Choi, karate income in period of cultural severance during Japanese occupation, the first kwan leaders and Korean traditional martial arts, process of disorder and cultural reproduction. Second, taekwondo has essentially inherited and developed Korean barehanded martial arts' movements that lay stress on foot skills, and this distinguishes it from hand-skill-based Japan's karate and China's Wushu Furthermore, trunk/groin protectors and headgears are blended remarkably with taeguk patterns and traditional Colors of Five Directions. All terms rendered into pure Korean words shows the essence of Korean localization. It is therefore concluded that Koreans should, along with trying to overcome exclusive nationalism as a country of origin, build a new paradigm of establishing an identity as a global martial art sport.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.577-592
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• 1996

The forming process of poverty region in Taegu and the feature of its spatial distribution which are reviewed hitherto can be summarized like this. 1) In the froming porcess of poverty region in Taegu, during the soverignty of Japanese Empire petty farmers became tenantry by the colonial agricultural policy of Japanes Empire and some of those came into the city and g\became urban poor class. They generally lived in poor houses or dugouts in the city, and 6.6$\circ$ of poor house and dugouts of the whole country were in Taegu and 4.9$\circ of the popolatio in Taegu resided there. During the period of disorder, because of the historic accidents, such as the restoration of independence and Korean War, the returnees from aboad and refugees converged into the big city so that those who need the country's relief stood out as new poor class. They generally made their dwellings with tents and straw-bags on vacant grounds in suburbs living form hand to mouth and shaped the poor houses area, so-clalled "Liberated Village". During the developing period, the number of those who need aid gradually decreased, but the problem of poor people by the city-concentration of the poeple who shifted from agricultrual jobs by economic development came to the front. They mostly lived in squatter area forming large poor class area, and generally located near the center of Taegu consisiting of West. South. East Ward. 2) Reviewing the the feature of spatial distribution, the proportion of poor class are highest within 1~2km from the center of the city and also high within 2~3km form the center and suburbs. The poor class area in the center of the city are mostly cleared and removed area and in suburbs by the construction of permanently leased, and leased apartments large grouped poor class areas are forming. In Taegu, 16 low-income class group residence areas and residential environement improving areas are dispersed so that they came under the so-called poor class area. But by the improvement of dewelling environment and living the poor people who lived in groups dispersed or bettered their living for themselves, so the poverty area is greatly chaning into average-levelled residence area, and on the other hand, large poor people's apartment complexes are being constructed in suburbs. 3) Up to now, the distribution of poverty area could be limited its scale to generally the area within 1~3km because the poverty region which had been in suburbs relatively came near the center of the city by the rapid urbanization and poor people preferred that area because of the living convenience facilities as well as the transportation facilities and job-hunting being near the center of the city. But now poor people's apartment complex is being constructed regardless of their zone of job sites, so the low proportion of occupation is pointed as a new problem.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.269-295
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• 1995

This research is concerned with the social division of labor within the traditional industry district: Damyang bamboo ware industry district and Yeoju pottery industry district in South Korea, Damyang bamboo ware and Yeoju pottery are well known of the Korean traditional industry. The social division of labor in an industry district is considered as an important factor. The social division of labor helps the traditional industry to survive today. This summary shows five significant points from the major findings. First, Damyang bamoo ware industry and Yoeju pottery industry have experienced the growth stages until 1945, the stagnation in the 1960s, and the business recovery in the 1980s. Most Korean traditional industries had been radically declined under the Japanese colonization; while, Damyang bamboo ware industry and Yeoju pottery industry district have been developed during above all stages. The extended market to Japan helped the local government to establish a training center, and to provide financial aids and technical aids to crafts men. During the 1960s and 1970s, mass production of substitute goods on factory system resulted in the decrease of demand of bamboo ware and pettery. During the 1980s, these industries have slowly recovered as a result of the increased income per capita. The high rate of economic growth in the 1960s and 1970s was playing an important role in the emerging the incleased demand of the bamboo ware and pottery. Second the production-and-marketing system in a traditional industry district became diversified to adjust the demand of products. In Damyang bamboo ware industry district, the level of social division of labor was low until the high economic development period. Bamboo ware were made by a farmer in a small domestic system, The bamboo goods were mainly sold in the periodic market of bamboo ware in Damyang. In the recession period in the 1960s and 1970s, the production-and-marketing system were diversified; a manufacturing-wholesale type business and small-factory type business became established; and the wholesale business and the export traders in the district appeared. In the recovery period in the 1980s, the production-and-marketing systems were more diversified; a small-factory type business started to depend On subcontractors for a part of process of production; and a wholesale business in the district engaged in production of bamboo ware. In Yeoju pottery industry district, the social division of labor was limited until the early 1970s. A pottery was made by a crafts man in a small-business of domestic system and sold by a middle man out of Yeoju. Since the late 1970s, production-and-marketing system become being diversified as a result of the increased demand in Japan and South Korea. In the 1970s, Korean traditional craft pottery was highiy demanded in Japan. The demand encouraged people in Yoeju to become craftsmen and/or to work in the pottery related occupation. In South Korea, the rapid economic growth resulted in incline to pottery due to the development of stainless and plastic bowls and dishes. The production facilities were modernized to provide pottery at the reasonable price. A small-busineas of domestic system was transformed into a small-factory type business. The social division of labor was intensified in the pottery production-and-maketing system. The manufacturing kaoline began to be seperated from the production process of pottery. Within the district, a pottery wholesale business and a retail business started to be established in the 1980s. Third the traditional industry district was divided into "completed one" and "not-completed one" according to whether or not the district firms led the function of the social division of labor. The Damyang bamboo ware industry district is "completed one": the firm within the district is in charge of the supply of raw material, the production and the marketing. In the Damyang bamboo ware district, the social division of labor w and reorganized labor system to improve the external economics effect through intensifying the social division of labor. Lastly, the social division of labor was playing an important role in the development of traditional industry districts. The subdivision of production process and the diversification of business reduced the production cost and overcame the labor shortage through hiring low-waged workers such as family members, the old people and housewives. An enterpriser with small amount of capital easily joined into the business. The risk from business recession were dispersed. The accumulated know-how in the production and maketing provided flexiblility to produce various goods and to extend the life-cycly of a product.d the life-cycly of a product.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.94-108
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to provide data for the restoration of 'Yongyun(龍淵)' and 'Hwahongmun(華虹門)' through an investigation of the vicinity of their original landscapes at the time of construction of Hwaseong in Suwon and through tracing the transformative process of the environments of this vicinity. The results are as follows; As identified by 'Yongyunjung(龍淵亭)' and 'Yongdugak(龍頭閣)', other names of Yongyun, 'Banghwasuryujung(訪花隨柳亭)', which was built on 'Yongduam', is a facility whose place identity is highlighted with a sense of unity with Yongyun. The south lakefront of Yongyun, bordering Banghwasuryujung, has boundaries that make the best use of the natural geographical features of Yongduam while the current circumference of Yongyun is comparatively shorter than its original state. The size of 'Joongdo(中島)', however, seems to be an example of apparent over-design complement and reorganize 'Joongdo', which had been restored larger than its original state at the time of restoration in the 1970s. The depth of 'Yongyun' was created to be lower than the actual depth, without consideration for its initial depth, as soil was accumulated through continuous flooding after it was created. It is assumed that the original drains which were installed about 10m inside the lake were created facing the stream. As regards the planting environment, a circular planting of willows was made in the outskirts of 'Yongyun', except the 'Yongduam' which is a pure forest, and a mix of 'Pinus densiflora', shrubbery and deciduous broad leaf trees was planted in 'Joongdo'. Of the plants growing in the area of this study, plant species introduced to Korea after Hwaseong was constructed are found, most of which provide interest and attraction. The old pine trees growing in a group once grew in the castle areas of the vicinity even in the 1920s, the period of Japanese occupation, but they disappeared from the area in the aftermath of subsequent urban development and the Korean War. Although restored to the site, the number and space taken up by these trees are insignificant compared to those of the original environment. On the basis of these results, the following is considered necessary for the true restoration of the vicinity of 'Yongyun' and 'Hwahongmun': First, the grounds of 'Yongyun' should be dredged deeply enough to expose the bedrock and should be recreated in the rough outline of a half moon by extension to the southwest toward 'Yongduam' and 'Hwahongmun', and the size of 'Joongdo' should be significantly reduced. Secondly, considering that most plant species, except the pine trees and wild trees in 'Yongduam', are non-native plants introduced in order to provide such attractions such as the appreciation of scenic areas, they should be replaced with native species, mainly with the pine trees which were utilized during the construction of Hwaseong. The weeping willows planted in the 'middle-island' should be relocated to the outskirts of 'Yongyun', and replaced with pine trees as the major trees and maple trees or deciduous broadleaf trees to fill in the gaps. Thirdly, exotic species such as the 'Pinus rigida' planted in a group around 'Banghwasuryujung' and 'Bugammun' and 'Pinus strobus' planted in the vicinity of Hwahongmun' should be removed.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.224-238
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• 2019

In commemoration of the 1,100th anniversary of the foundation of the Goryeo Dynasty, the National Museum of Korea and the National Institute of Korean History are working together on a project to reveal memorial inscriptions(墓誌銘) in the Goryeo Dynasty. So far, It founded that four newly identified memorial inscriptions of Goryeo Dynasty. Among them, I would like to introduce two memorial inscriptions in overseas and a memory inscription that was first identified as being housed in the National Museum of Korea. Kim Yong Sik's memorial inscription is currently housed at the Smithsonian Museum's FreerSackler Gallery in the U.S.A.. Kim Yong Sik(金龍軾, 1129~1197) is a bureaucrat in the middle time of Goryeo Dynasty. He came from a family of influential people in the Andong province. In Goryeo times, provincial figures have been able to make inroads into central politics through the bureaucratic select examination(科擧). Kim's family came from the capital of Goryeo in that way. However, Kim did not rise very high. This inscription is meaningful in that it shows this ordinary middle class's life to study Goryeo history further. Sangdanghyeongoon(上黨縣君) Gwak Ssi's memorial inscription is currently housed at the Kyoto university museum in the Japan. Sangdanghyeongoon Gwak Ssi(郭氏(Mrs. Gwak), ?~1149?) is a bureaucrat class woman in the middle time of Goryeo Dynasty. There is not much information about her. But the method of marking the location of the her tomb is unique. Her tomb is located at the northern foot of the temple, Baekhaksa(白鶴寺, White Crane's temple). That marking method is sometimes confirmed in Goryeo period's historical text. This inscription is significant in that it shows practical example of that methods. Min Su's memorial inscription is missing after Japanese occupation time, but confirmed that currently housed in the National Museum of Korea. Min Su(閔脩, 1067~1122) is a bureaucrat in the middle time of Goryeo Dynasty. Although his track record is partly recorded in Goryeosa(高麗史, Historia of Goryeo Dynasty), the discovery of this inscription has made new research possible. I hope that more and more memory inscription of Goryeo will emerge from somewhere and contribute greatly to the study of Goryeo history.