• 제목/요약/키워드: the North Korean military

검색결과 243건 처리시간 0.031초

전투사례로 본 군사보안의 중요성 연구 - 6.25 전쟁 초기, 개성일대 전투를 중심으로- (The Importance of Military Security -Mainly focused on the Battle of Gaeseong, the early part of the Korean War-)

  • 김규남;이현희
    • 융합보안논문지
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    • 제16권6_1호
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    • pp.51-58
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    • 2016
  • "역사는 거울"이라는 말은 반복되는 역사적 사실을 통해 우리는 적을 대비해야 한다는 뜻이다. 현재 우리는 북한의 핵과 미사일을 포함하는 각종 도발에 직면해 있다. 우리가 북한을 주적으로 설정하고 국민의 생명과 재산을 보전하기 위해서는 우리 군은 적의 위협에 항상 철저히 준비되어야 한다. 6.25 전쟁 전투사례를 보면 준비된 적과 무방비 상태의 국군 간에 벌어진 전쟁으로 요약할 수 있다. 북한군은 해방 이후 치밀한 계획 하에 중공군을 편입시키고 소련군 군사고문단 지원 하에 전투 장비를 배치하여 군단 급 훈련까지 마친 상태에 비해, 당시 국군은 대대급 훈련도 마무리 못한 상태였다. 전 평시 군사보안을 위해 나의 정보는 숨기고 적은 찾아서 대비해야 한다. 북한군은 전쟁을 준비하면서 치밀하게 국군의 편성과 배치, 그리고 운용사항에 대한 정보를 수집했으나 국군은 이에 대비하지 못해 초전에 고전을 면치 못했다. 이에 본고에서는 6.25 전쟁 초기, 개성일대 전투사례를 중심으로 군사보안의 교훈과 그 중요성을 제시하고자 한다.

해양안보위협의 확산에 따른 한국해군의 역할 확대방안 (Extending Plans of the Role of ROK Navy vis-'a-vis the Expansion of Maritime Security Threats)

  • 길병옥
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권30호
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    • pp.63-98
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    • 2012
  • Northeast Asia has a multi-layered security structure within which major economic and military powers both confront one another and cooperate at the same time. Major regional powers maintain mutually cooperative activities in the economic sphere while competing one another in order to secure a dominant position in the politico-military arena. The multifarious threats, posed by the North Korea's nuclear development, territorial disputes, and maritime demarcation line issues demonstrate that Northeast Asia suffers more from military conflicts and strifes than any other region in the world. Specifically, major maritime security threats include North Korea's nuclear proliferation and missile launching problems as well as military provocations nearby the Northern Limit Line(NLL) as witnessed in the Cheonan naval ship and Yeonpyong incidents. The ROK Navy has been supplementing its firm military readiness posture in consideration of North Korea's threats on the NLL. It has performed superb roles in defending the nation and establishing the Navy advanced and best picked. It also has been conducive to defend the nation from external military threats and invasion, secure the sea lanes of communications, and establish regional stability and world peace. In order to effectively cope with the strategic environment and future warfares, the ROK Navy needs to shift its military structure to one that is more information and technology intensive. In addition, it should consolidate the ROK-US alliance and extend military cooperative measures with neighboring countries in the Asia-Pacific region. Evolved steadily for the last 60 years, the ROK-US alliance format has contributed to peace and security on the Korean peninsula and in the Northeast Asian region. In conclusion, this manuscript contends that the ROK Navy should strive for the establishment of the following: (1) Construction of Jeju Naval Base; (2) Strategic Navy Equipped with War Deterrence Capabilities; (3) Korean-type of System of Systems; (4) Structure, Budget and Human Resources of the Naval Forces Similar to the Advanced Countries; and (5) Strategic Maritime Alliance and Alignment System as well as Domestic Governance Network for the Naval Families.

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북방한계선(北方限界線)과 서해5도(西海5島) 주변수역(周邊水域)의 해양법문제(海洋法問題) (Northern Limit Line and its Problems of the Law of the Sea in the Sea Area around Five South Korean Islands of the West Sea)

  • 최종화;김영규
    • 수산해양교육연구
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    • 제16권1호
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    • pp.110-123
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    • 2004
  • Five Islands in the West Sea of Korea (Baekryeong-do, Daecheong-do, Socheong-do, Yeonpyeong-do, and Woo-do) are located very close to the North Korea's coast and all of them are under the jurisdiction of South Korea. The North and South Korean naval vessels clashed twice in the West Sea of Korea on June 15, 1999 and on June 29, 2002. These incidents were resulted from conflicts over the validity of the Northern Limit Line(NLL) and the appropriate maritime boundary between the two Koreas. From the viewpoint of South Korea, the North Limit Line is a lawful Maritime Military Demarcation Line under the Korean Military Armistice Agreement and it must be maintained as a maritime boundary between two Koreas until being substituted by a peace treaty. In conclusion, the maritime boundary between two Koreas cannot be settled easily by the principles of the International Law of the Sea at present.

군사자료 정보유출의 스마트폰 포렌식 연구 (Smartphone Forensic of Military Data Information Leakage)

  • 김용윤;박대우
    • 한국정보통신학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 한국정보통신학회 2022년도 춘계학술대회
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    • pp.238-241
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    • 2022
  • 북한이 ICBM을 발사하여 9.19군사협의에 대한 모라트리움을 선언하였다. 국군은 국방과 안보를 위해 군사안보를 지켜야 한다. 북한으로부터 해킹공격을 받은 국방부는 군사안보에 더욱 보안을 지켜야한다. 최근 군사자료의 유출이 스마트폰을 통해 발생하고 있다. 장교와 부사관은 업무중에도 스마트폰 사용이 가능하다. 따라서 스마트폰에서 군사자료의 정보유출을 확인하고 책임소재를 분명히 하려면 스마트폰 포렌식이 필요하다. 본 연구에서는 S사의 갤럭시S20 기종에서 군사자료 유출애 대한 스마트폰 포렌식을 연구한다. 스마트폰 포렌식 증거자료의 확보와 Metadata 확보 및 증거자료의 채택을 위한 무결성 검증을 연구한다. 본 연구는 군사안보와 포렌식 기술발전에 기여할 것이다.

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천안함 폭침 이후 북한의 군사도발 양상과 전망 (Trends and Prospects of N. Korea Military Provocations After the Sinking of ROKS Cheon-an)

  • 김성만
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권34호
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    • pp.58-92
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    • 2014
  • Even after S. Korea took 5.24 Measure(24 May 2014), N. Korea has not stopped raising provocations such as the shelling of Yeonpyeong Island, electronic and cyber attacks. To make matters worse, the communist country lunched long-range missiles(twice) and conducted 3rd nuclear test, escalating tensions which could possibly lead to an all-out war. Korean Government failed to respond properly. However, escalation into an all-out war was deterred by the CFC immediately carrying out its peacetime duty(CODA). The US made a rapid dispatch of its augmentation forces(Aircraft carrier, nuclear-powered submarine, strategic bomber, F-22) to the Korean Peninsula. In recognition of the importance of the Combined Forces Command, since May 2013 the Park Geun-Hye Administration has been pushing ahead with re-postponement of Wartime Operational Control Transfer(which initially meant the disassembling of the CFC as of 1 December 2015) More recently, there has been a series of unusual indicators from the North. Judging from its inventory of 20 nuclear weapons, 1,000 ballistic missiles and biochemical weapons, it is safe to say that N. Korea has gained at least war deterrence against S. Korea. Normally a nation with nuclear weapons shrink its size of conventional forces, but the North is pursuing the opposite, rather increasing them. In addition, there was a change of war plan by N. Korea in 2010, changing 'Conquering the Korean Peninsula' to 'Negotiation after the seizure of the Greater Seoul Metropolitan Area(GSMA)' and establishing detailed plans for wartime projects. The change reflects the chain reaction in which requests from pro-north groups within the South will lead to the proclamation of war. Kim, Jeong-Un, leader of N. Korean regime, sent threatening messages using words such as 'exercising a nuclear preemptive strike right' and 'burning of Seoul'. Nam, Jae-June, Director of National Intelligence Service, stated that Kim, Jung-Un is throwing big talks, saying communization of the entire Korean Peninsula will come within the time frame of 3 years. Kim, Gwan-Jin, Defense Minister, shared an alarming message that there is a high possibility that the North will raise local provocations or a full-fledged war whenever while putting much emphasis on defense posture. As for the response concept of the Korean Government, it has been decided that 'ROK·US Combined Local Provocation Counter-Measure' will be adopted to act against local provocations from the North. Major provocation types include ▲ violation of the Northern Limit Line(NLL) with mobilization of military ships ▲ artillery provocations on Northwestern Islands ▲ low altitude airborne intrusion ▲ rear infiltration of SOF ▲ local conflicts within the Military Demarcation Line(MDL) ▲ attacking friendly ships by submarines. Counter-measures currently established by the US involves the support from USFK and USFJ. In order to keep the sworn promise, the US is reinforcing both USFK and USFJ. An all-out war situation will be met by 'CFC OPLAN5027' and 'Tailored Expansion Deterrence Forces' with the CFC playing a central role. The US augmentation forces stands at 690,000 troops, some 160 ships, 2,000 aircraft and this comprise 50% of US total forces, which is estimated to be ninefold of Korean forces. The CFC needs to be in center in handling both local provocations and an all-out war situation. However, the combat power of S. Korean conventional forces is approximately around 80% of that of N. Korea, which has been confirmed from comments made by Kim, Gwan-Jin, Defense Minister, during an interpellation session at the National Assembly. This means that S. Korean forces are not much growing. In particular, asymmetric capabilities of the North is posing a serious threat to the South including WMD, cyber warfare forces, SOF, forces targeting 5 Northwestern Islands, sub-surface and amphibious assault forces. The presence of such threats urgently requires immediate complementary efforts. For complementary efforts, the Korean Government should consider ① reinforcement of Korean forces; putting a stoppage to shrinking military, acquisition of adequate defense budget, building a missile defense and military leadership structure validity review, ② implementation of military tasks against the North; disciplinary measures on the sinking of ROKS Cheon-an/shelling of Yeonpyeong Islands, arrangement of inter-Korean military agreements, drawing lessons from studies on the correlation between aid for N. Korea, execution of inter-Korean Summit and provocations from the North, and ③ bolstering the ROK·US alliance; disregarding wartime operational control transfer plan(disassembling of CFC) and creation of a combined division.

총괄평가 개념의 한국군 적정 상비병력 산출 방안 연구 (Net Assessment-Based Study to Determine the Optimal Size of the ROK Military's Standing Force)

  • 김정혁;최명진
    • 산업경영시스템학회지
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    • 제46권4호
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    • pp.272-280
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    • 2023
  • For the past 70 years, an intense rivalry has persisted on the Korean Peninsula, and North Korea's nuclear and missile threats are becoming increasingly imminent. Facing a shortage of military resources, South Korea has pursued a national defense reform, significantly reducing the number of units and troops while focusing on ground forces. However, North Korea's strategic objective of unifying South Korea through surprise attacks, prompt responses, and combined nuclear and missile assaults remains unchanged. The central issue in this context revolves around determining the appropriate size of the Korean military's standing forces. This study employs the concept of net assessment as a novel method to ascertain the optimal size of the Korean military. Threats, strategic objectives, doctrine, and unit rotations are simultaneously considered from the enemy's perspective. In anticipation of security risks on the Korean Peninsula, an acceptable troop size will be proposed using the net assessment approach to calculate the appropriate standing force size.

9.19 군사합의서의 구성주의적 함의 고찰 (Constructivist Implications of the 9.19 Military Implementation Agreement)

  • 이강경;설현주
    • 융합보안논문지
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    • 제20권2호
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    • pp.101-110
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    • 2020
  • 3차 남북 정상회담과 평양 남북정상회담, 싱가폴과 하노이에서 열린 북미 정상회담 이후, 한반도의 운명을 좌우할 비핵화 협상이 진행되고 있다. 하지만 비핵화 조건을 둘러싸고 북미간 입장이 충돌하며 협상은 교착국면에 빠져있으며 다소 회의적인 전망이 예견되고 있는 상황이다. 북한의 완전한 비핵화 실현이 어려운 이유는 동북아의 전통적인 안보딜레마와 미중간 패권경쟁, 신냉전체제의 형성 등 다양한 변수들이 상존하기 때문이다. 지난 2018년 평창 동계올림픽을 계기로 3차례의 남북 정상회담과 3차례의 북미 정상회담이 개최된 전환기적 시점에 북한의 완전한 비핵화는 한반도를 넘어 동북아와 세계평화를 위해 반드시 이루어내야 할 역사적 과제가 되었다. 그런 의미에서 평양 남북정상회담은 '9.19 평양공동선언'과 '군사분야 합의서'를 통해 북한비핵화와 남북관계 발전을 위한 새로운 이정표를 제시해 준 역사적 계기로 평가된다. 한편 국제정치이론의 주요 패러다임으로 자리잡은 구성주의(Constructivism)는 이념과 역사, 문화 등의 관념적 변수가 물질적 요인, 국가행위자의 정체성과 이익을 규정하며 국제관계의 구조가 상호작용을 통해 변화될 수 있다는 관점을 제시한다. 본 연구에서는 이제 1주년을 넘긴 9.19 평양공동선언의 역사적 의미를 구성주의적 관점에서 고찰하였다. 이를 위해 구성주의 이론의 발전과정과 분석모델, 남북관계의 발전과정을 간략히 살펴보았고, 9.19 군사합의서의 군사적 함의를 제시하였다.

김정은 정권의 선핵(先核) 정치와 한국의 억제전략 (Nuclear-First Politics of Kim Jung Un Regime and South Korea's Deterrence Strategy)

  • 김태우
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권39호
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    • pp.5-46
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    • 2016
  • North Korea's 4th nuclear test on Jan. 6 and following developments once again awakened the world into seriousness of the nuclear matters on the Korean peninsula. On March 2, UNSC adopted Resolution 2270 which is complemented by Seoul government's measures such as withdrawal from the Gaesung Industrial Complex (Feb. 9) and announcement of unilateral sanction (March 8). Seoul government also strongly urged the international community to strangle North Korea's 'financial resources.' The U.S., Japan, China, and other countries have issued unilateral sanctions to complement the UNSC measure. South Korea and the U.S. conducted their annual joint military drill (Resolve-Foal Eagle) in the largest-ever scale. North Korea, however, responded with demonstration of its nuclear capabilities and announcement of de facto 'nuclear-first' politics. North Korea test-fired a variety of delivery vehicles, threatened nuclear strikes against South Korea and the U.S., and declared itself as an 'invincible nuclear power armed with hydrogen bombs' at the 7th Workers 'Party Congress held in May, 2016. Considering the circumstantial evidences, the North's 4th nuclear test may have been a successful boosted fission bomb test. North Korea, and, if allowed to go on with its nuclear programs, will become a nuclear power armed with more than 50 nuclear weapons including hydrogen bombs. The North is already conducting nuclear blackmail strategy towards South Korea, and must be developing 'nuclear use' strategies. Accordingly, the most pressing challenge for the international community is to bring the North to 'real dialogue for denuclearization through powerful and consistent sanctions. Of course, China's cooperation is the key to success. In this situation, South Korea has urgent challenges on diplomacy and security fronts. A diplomatic challenge is how to lead China, which had shown dual attitudes between 'pressure and connivance' towards the North's nuclear matters pursuant to its military relations with the U.S, to participate in the sanctions consistently. A military one is how to offset the 'nuclear shadow effects' engendered by the North's nuclear blackmail and prevent its purposeful and non-purposeful use of nuclear weapons. Though South Korea's Ministry of Defense is currently spending a large portion of defense finance on preemption (kill-chain) and missile defense, they pose 'high cost and low efficiency' problems. For a 'low cost and high efficiency' of deterrence, South Korea needs to switch to a 'retaliation-centered' deterrence strategy. Though South Korea's response to the North's nuclear threat can theoretically be boiled down into dialogue, sanction and deterrence, now is the time to concentrate on strong sanction and determined deterrence since they are an inevitable mandatory course to destroy the North' nuclear-first delusion and bring it to a 'real denuclearization dialogue.'

북한의 무인기 위협과 대응 자세 (A Study on North Korea's UAV Threat and Response Stance)

  • 김현식;박찬영
    • 문화기술의 융합
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    • 제9권2호
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    • pp.227-233
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    • 2023
  • 4차산업혁명과 더불어 '무인화' 영향이 전 세계 모든 분야에 미치고 있고, 특히 군사 분야에서 '무인화'는 주된 전투체계의 한 부분을 차지할 정도로 중요성이 부각되고 있다. 최근, 우리 영공을 침범하여 서울까지 내려온 북한 무인기 사태로 우리 군은 위기에 직면한 상태이다. 이에 우리 군은 북한의 무인기를 포착하고 격멸하겠다는 의지표명과 대응방안을 천명했다. 하지만 무인기의 기술발전은 지속되고 있고 활용 방안 또한 확대되고 있어 현 수준에서의 무인기 대응 방안은 무용지물이 될 수 있다. 또한 북한의 위협은 무인기만 있는 것이 아니다. 북한은 사실상 핵 보유국가이자 7차 핵실험을 앞두고 있고 2022년 한 해에만 38차례, 67발의 미사일 시험발사를 하는 등 미사일 기술도 고도화 되고 있다. 또한 우리에게 치명적 위협이 될 수 있는 5대 핵심 전략무기를 개발하고 있고 북한의 강력한 재래식 전력은 북방한계선 일대에 다수 포진되어 있고 장사정포의 포구는 수도권을 향해 있다. 지금 많은 관심을 받고 있는 북한의 무인기 위협을 대응하는 것도 중요하지만 북한의 위협을 종합적으로 분석하고 명확하게 우선순위를 정하여 제한된 예산을 사용해야 무인기 위협 이외의 북한의 전반적인 위협에 대응할 수 있을 것이다.