• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.610-616
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• 2021

This study is a literature review that analyzes the head of Ri election rules and regulations described in the village code, identifies problems, and proposes solutions for these problems. For data collection, a total of 146 village codes was collected from January 2019 to August 2019. The results showed people in most villages vote for the head of Ri according to democratic electoral processes. For system improvement, a one-person, one-vote system was proposed instead of a one-family, one-vote system in order to enhance gender equality and political rights. As for the appointment system, the following changes were proposed: First, candidate eligibility should be improved as only people who were born in that village are eligible; Second, the maximum age of candidacy for the head of Ri should be established as under 65 years old by considering physical ability in the event of disaster occurrences and physical activity required for running village businesses; Third, consecutive terms of the head of Ri when there is no successor should be limited in order to prevent indigenous forces from settling in the local community; and Fourth, education should be provided for building the head of Ri's stature in order to devote to promote public interest for village development.

• Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.24-55
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• 1993

School health aims to guide and manage growing students from elementary schools to high schools in order to grow healthily through the formation of healthy life habits, the self-control health management guide and the making of pleasant school health environments. Even though this school health plays an important role in guiding the students who are in the period of growing to have a perfect personality as a democratic people of our country in the school education, there are many lacks, such as they still don't know the word itself, "school health" or recognize its importance. Also it's a real condition to practice items concerned with the health under the condition of unestablished structure. 1. The results of analyzing school health real conditions. Based on treatises concerned with school health and various statistical materials which are announced by concerned people. We divided and analyzed school health into the items concerned with health education, the items with health management, and the items with school health environments, and investigated the level of the present school health and its necessity. As the items concerned with health education, we investigated the necessary range of school health education, the effect of health education on children's daily life, family's health and the interesting contents of school health. And as the items with health management, I investigated children's obesity, dental caries, eyesight, clinics, a health examination, drug abuse, spirit health, providing meals for school children, and school health manpower. And as the items conerned with school health environments, we investigated the recognition of the problem of natural environments, the management of purification district around the school, the problem of environments within the school and classroom lighting. As the results of analyzing these, I realized that the present level of school health is still in unsatisfactory situation and school health is needed necessary. 2. The establishment of school health. In order to set the school health, above all, the management system of School health should be set. I classified and systemized the contents of each item which had been promoted till now according to the function. They are classified as followings Based on classifying school health into (1) health education, (2) health management and (3) health environments, I divided school health education into the health education of health subjects, the health education of concerned subjects and the education of health life. And I divided health management into the health managements for a prevention and a cure. And I divided health environments into the environment around the school and within the school. Each system set like these is not fixed invariably and I should keep the relationship of mutual supplement between health education and health management, between health management and health environments, and between health environments management and health education. When we run these systemetic school health, students' health could be maintained and improved to more proper directions.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.29-58
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• 2016

'Post-memory' is the act of remembering traumatic events in history by subsequent generations who have not had direct experiences or relations with them. For this reason, the narratives of 'post-memory' are considered as re-interpretations of the past deeply influenced by current perspectives and concerns. The Chilean film NO goes back to the Referendum of 1988 in order to examine the "NO campaign" which was opposed to another eight years of continuation of the Pinochet regime. Although this campaign contributed significantly to the Chilean democratization, the filmmaker does not just celebrate it: rather he attempts to cast a critical reflection on its strategies that eventually turned democracy into a "commodity" by deploying commercial language and marketing tools for characterizing and describing it. On the other hand, the Korean movie The Attorney sheds light on the story of an attorney who, during the military regime in the 1980's, became a human rights lawyer when he tried to advocate for university students accused of violating national security law. This film reconstitutes the meaning of democracy built upon the logic of "common-sense" that privileges freedom and fundamental human rights over Statism. Despite the different historical contexts between Chile and South Korea, these two movies retell the history of a dictatorship that ended a couple of decades ago. In doing so, they raise questions about history, memory and democracy in order to deepen the understanding of current social and political circumstances while placing an emphasis on the roles and responsibilities of intellectuals during the transition to democracy and democratic consolidation.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.47
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• pp.23-49
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• 2009

The purpose of the study is to suggest contents, and a range of a Nonnative Theory and a practice for overcoming a crisis of the Mass media. In order to achieve the purpose of the study, a limitation and implication of Social Responsibility Theory was looked into by investigating a Hutchins Report. Hutchins Report suggested the related points at moral duty and legal obligation in implementing mass media's Social Responsibility and Accountability, with relations in publics and community. However, within a view point of a lack of Accountability, Social Responsibility Theory limited responsibility to the realm of 'function', 'self-regulation' and 'self-ethics', In order to promote mass media's quality and serve to rehabilitate its reliability under the pluralistic media system, the contents of Social Responsibility and its scope should be suggested. Media Accountability is a starting point to draw out the contents and scope of Social Responsibility and also a valid democratic plan for mass media to 'social self-regulation' through the mutual communication with civil society. For future Social Responsibility and Media Accountability that is suitable for various mass media, and contents and a range should be defined.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.54
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• pp.65-97
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• 2003

This study seeks the countermeasures for the successful organization of the social welfare labor union after examining social welfare workers' cognizance about a labor union and analyzing the major factors affecting their participation in a labor union. An analysis of social welfare workers' cognizance about the social welfare labor union. demonstrates that (1) most social welfare workers have positive opinions about a labor union organization and the participation in a labor union, (2) a great part of workers prefer forming a labor union and a professional organization together in relation to the organization of social welfare workers, and (3) the effective strategies for the organization of a labor union are in the order of the uplift of social welfare workers' consciousness, the constitution of the basic organizations which propel the formation of a labor union, and the preparation of policy countermeasures which attain the supports of clients and citizens. An analysis of factors affecting the participation in a labor union shows that the attitude toward the participation behavior (positive results), subjective norm (specific individuals), subjective norm (social constituent members), and perceived behavior control in the analysis model, male, lower position in officers, and lower educational attainment in democratic characteristics, and lower democratic and professional managements in officers and longer working hours in labor environmental conditions affect positively the participation in a labor union. These results suggest several assignments for the successful organization of the social welfare labor union. First the activities that make social welfare workers recognize the beneficial results bringing about by the participation in a labor union need to be carried out, second strategies that persuade the influential individuals to supports the participation in a labor union need to be developed, third activities that make the social constituent members understand the ethical, professional, and non-productive characteristics of social service works not to be confronted with the organization of a labor union should be pursued, fourth the organizational environments in which social welfare workers can freely participate in a labor union according to their intentions need to be made up, fifth the policy countermeasures which attain the support of social welfare workers, clients and citizens should be developed and carried out, and finally the basic organizations that effectively propel the formation of a labor union need to be constituted.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.43-49
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• 2022

This study aims to study Esping-Anderson's theory of welfare state system, develop a model of welfare state suitable for Korea's situation, and apply it to reality. In this research method, basic research and analysis of ideology is used, focusing on Esping-Anderson's welfare state system theory, and applying it appropriately to the Korean situation. Studies on the model of the welfare state have been studied after the classification of complementary and institutional models asserted by Willensky and Lebo in 1965. In addition, Esping-Andersen asserts three things as a model of the welfare state according to ideology. First, the role of the market is central to the liberal welfare system that best fits the image of classical capitalism, and individualistic solidarity through the market. The role of the state or family, which can be a hindrance, is actually marginalized. In addition, in order to maximize individualistic solidarity through the market, de-commodification in the national domain tends to be minimized. Second, the conservative welfare system has a strong familistic element, so the source of social solidarity is the family, and the state plays a role of supporting and supplementing the characteristics of this family. In the conservative system, de-commodification appears to be high among household heads, or the welfare system takes on a corporatist and nationalistic form, it can be said that these characteristics are reflected. Third, in the social democratic welfare system, the source of social solidarity is the state. Therefore, the role of the state is large, the state has a high possibility of decommodification, and it has the characteristics of substitutes for the family and the market through universalist intervention. This study applies Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models to study a model suitable for the Korean situation. In conclusion, Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models can be classified into a market-oriented model based on a liberal welfare system, a status-oriented model based on a conservative corporatist welfare system, and a solidarity-oriented model based on a social-democratic welfare system, presented a compromise between liberalism and conservatism as a Korean model.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.14
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• pp.7-32
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• 2012

The exhibition was started in 2010 in the New Acropolis Museum of Athens and embarked a journey since 2011 as a travelling exhibition inside Greece and abroad. The main purpose of the exhibition was to draw attention of the general public to the value of the 'rescue excavation' and of cultural heritage of Greece, by presenting the reconstruction bust of a girl whose skull was found in Kerameikos cemetery of ancient Athens. The new Kerameikos excavation was initiated by the construction of Metropolitan Railway lines in the center of Athens between 1992 to 1998. It revealed a pit of a mass burial where about 150 people were inhumed in a very hasty way without proper funeral rites or offerings. These bodies are identified as the victims of the infamous plague of Athens in the first years of the Peloponnesian War(430-426 BC). The epidemic disease killed almost one third of the city population including Pericles, and brought extreme fear and panic to the Athens society. The traditional funerary rites were totally disrupted, and the social decorum and the morality among the citizens became enfeebled. The plague and the civil war were the decisive factors to end the Golden Age of Democratic Athens. However, the exhibition organizers did not focus on the tragic aspect of this disaster and its casualties. Their main concern was to simplify the scholarly works of archaeological excavation and microchemistry analysis so that the exhibition viewers will easily understand and empathize the living value of the scholarly works of ancient Greek civilization. The centripetal element of the exhibition was the vivid face of an 11 years old ancient girl 'Myrtis', which was carefully reconstructed based on both the scientific data and artistic imagination. Also the set up of the exhibition was structured in order to stimuli cognitive and emotional experience of the visitors who witnessed the rebirth of a vibrant human being from an ancient debris. The museologists' continuous efforts to promote projects of contemporary artists, publications, and school programs related to the exhibition indicate that the ulterior motive of this exhibition is the cultural education of the present and future generation through the intimate experiences of ancient Greek life. Also this is the reason why the various museums that held the travelling exhibition try to make the presentation as a gesture of memorial service for an anonymous Athenian girl who deceased circa 2400 years ago. The pragmatic efforts of Greek scholars and museologists through exhibition show us a way to find a solution to the continuous threat of cultural resources by massive construction projects and land development, and to overcome public indifference to the history and cultural heritage.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.93-127
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• 2014

During the four years following the sinking of the Cheonan frigate in 2010, the South Korean public opinion has seen changes in four basic ways. First, public polls with respect to the cause of the sinking show that 70% of the people consider North Korea as the culprit, while 20% maintain that it was not an act carried out by North Korea. Second, the opinions relative to the cause of the incident seem to vary according to age difference, generational difference, and educational difference. From 2011, people in their 20s showed 10% increase in regarding North Korea as the responsible party. People in their 30s and 40s still have a tendency not to believe the result of the investigation carried out by the combined military and civilian group. Third, the most prominent issue that arose aftermath of the Cheonan incident is the fact that political inclination and policy preference are influencing the scientific determination of the cause. In other words, scientific and logical approach is lacking in the process of determining the factual basis for the cause. This process is compromised by the inability of the parties concerned in sorting out what is objective and what is personal opinion. This confused state of affairs makes it difficult to carry on a healthy, productive debate. Fourth, rumors, propaganda, and disinformation generated by pro-North Korea Labor Party groups in the internet and SNS are causing considerable impact in forming the public opinion. Proposed Strategy 1. The administration can ascertain public trust by accurately determining the nature of the provocation based on accurate information in the early stages of the incident. 2. Education in scientific, logical, rational methodologyis needed at home, school, and workplace in order toenhance the people's ability to seek factual truths. 3. In secondary education, the values of freedom, human rights, democracy, and market economy must be reinforced. 4. It is necessary for the educational system to teach the facts of North Korea just as they are. 5. Fundamental strength of free democratic system must be reinforced. The conservative, mainstream powers must recognize the importance of self-sacrifice and societal duties. The progressive political parties must sever themselves from those groups that take instructions from North Korea's Labor Party. The progressives must pursue values that are based on fundamental human rights for all. 6. Korean unification led by South Korea is the genuine means to achieve peace in a nuclear-free Korean peninsula. The administration must recognize that this unification initiative is the beginning of the common peace and prosperity in the Far East Asia, and must actively pursue international cooperation in this regard.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.181-215
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• 2017

The study found that the origins of modern Korean welfare regime are closely related to the political and economic order of the U.S. military rule between 1945 and 1948. The creation of developmental state in 1960s and 1970s can not be imagined from the standpoint of the U.S. military rule. The U.S. military government dismantled the labor movement and the farmers' movement, and dealt a devastating blow to leftist political forces. Through this process, the U.S. military government turned the political landscape of the Republic of Korea, which was dominated by left-wing political forces in August 1945, completely transformed into the political landscape dominated by right-wing political forces. Moreover, it would not have been possible without the physical force of the US military government to transplant American capitalism instead of the social (democratic) state that the majority of the Korean people wanted. Through farmland reform, the traditional landowning classes were broken down, the revolutionary farmers turned into conservative peasants, and the distribution of factories owned by the Japanese led to the birth of a new capitalist class that was subordinated to the state. From the viewpoint of the welfare regime, the most significant meaning of the US military government is that it laid the foundations for the developmental state in the 1960s and 1970s in Korea.