• Title/Summary/Keyword: the Democratic Order

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A Study on Strategic Plan for Conflict Management in Family Travel by Age (연령에 따른 가족관광시 갈등관리전략방안에 관한 연구)

  • Chae, Ye-Byeong
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.11 no.9
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    • pp.3296-3303
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    • 2010
  • This study attempted to identify the strategic factors of conflict management in making decisions of family travel by age focusing on the different conflicts occurred in the family travel currently in Korea. by doing this, it tried to provide the basic data that can draw out constant participation, higher involvement and commitment by identifying the strategies for conflict management centering around not only tourism studies of tourist psychology and behavior but also the strategic variables of conflict management in terms of the promotion of tourism industry. To examine the result of this study, first, it was found that in all age groups, strategies of compromise and moderation strategy to meet the needs of surrounding people and the person him/herself were used as a strategic plan for conflict management between decision-makers and conflicting groups. Second, it was analyzed that when a conflict is caused, from order to negotiation strategies; from authority to democratic strategy, they turned out to make efforts to solve the conflicts occurred during family travel by collecting the opinions of the surrounding people; tune the opinions; and make decisions by majority. Lastly, it was found that they turned out to make efforts to ease the conflicts caused during family travel through active problem-solving regarding internal/interpersonal/structural restriction factors.

A study on the measures to use Gunnam flood control reservoir through a reservoir simulation model (저수지 모의 모형을 통한 군남홍수조절지의 활용방안에 관한 연구)

  • Yang, Wonseok;Ahn, Jaehwang;Yi, Jaeeung
    • Journal of Korea Water Resources Association
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    • v.50 no.6
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    • pp.407-418
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    • 2017
  • Due to geographical features of being close to DPRK (Democratic People's Republic of Korea), the Imjin River basin has difficulties in hydrological observation, and is vulnerable to unexpected flood occurrence. As a countermeasure, Gunnam Flood Control Reservoir construction was planned in 2005. Despite such a structural measure, damages by DPRK's illegal release continues to occur. Futhermore the Imjin River's flow has been decreased due to the effect of continuous drought in the Korean Peninsula since 2012 and DPRK's unilateral storage of water. A new operation method is derived for the Gunnam Flood Control Reservoir in order to cope with drought damages on the Imjin River basin and to ensure efficient response time upon flooding. The operation method maintaining Gunnam Flood Control Reservoir's water level by raising from EL.23.0 m to EL.31.0 m during the flood season for securing reservoir capacity enables to secure additional $14,000,000m^3$ water compared to the existing operation methods. The operation method to store inflow by controlling release to $250m^3/s$ in the early stage of flood has increased 2.66% on average in terms of detention effect of reservoir compared to the existing operation methods. The method enables to secure 19 hours to prepare flood compared to the existing methods.

The Crisis of Democracy and Sensational Partisan Journalism Focusing on Political Talk Shows by Channel A and TV Chosun (민주주의의 위기와 언론의 선정적 정파성의 관계에 대한 시론 채널A와 TV조선의 정치시사토크쇼를 중심으로)

  • Lee, Junghoon;Lee, Sang-Khee
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.77
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    • pp.9-35
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    • 2016
  • This research focuses on how political talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun provoke strong, negative emotions, such as anger or loathing, towards certain parties, politicians and groups only, and tries to explain what's the relation to Korean democracy crisis under the circumstances. Those talk shows by Channel A and TV Chosun, predominantly about anger and loathing towards oppositions, opposition politicians and pro-North Korea people, have contributed to practical exclusion of the citizens from the political process by their imaginary political participation rather than a role as a democratic public sphere, so they have functioned very well in order to sustain the system of Korean democracy as a way of 'the politics of exclusion', and have been retained regardless of their commercial success for the reason. In other words, the Korean democracy has systematically excluded every citizen and amplified ideological conflicts, and in that chaos of excessively produced emotions, has dealt with all the crucial matters using political technology, which is a serious problem. However, for the good of the political power who wants to keep such kind of political system, this became a reason why those Channel A and TV Chosun shows-sensational and politically biased-have survived, and since Channel A and TV Chosun are remarkably functional within the continuance of that political system they can keep being influential in politics.

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A Study on the Effect Analysis for the Regeneration Project for the Zones Vulnerable to Natural Disaster using Structural Equation Model (구조방정식 모형을 이용한 자연재해위험지구 정비사업 효과 분석)

  • Lee, Kyung Su;Jung, Jae Kwang;Heo, Bo Young;Byeon, Seong Joon
    • Journal of Korea Water Resources Association
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    • v.46 no.8
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    • pp.843-855
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    • 2013
  • In the modern society with high science and technological level, many people have been tried to mitigate natural disaster. The disaster was so huge that we made special service organization which deal with 'The Natural Disaster Endangered Districts'. But the analysis of the organization's works was inadequate. In order to analyze their regeneration project, this study selected analysis area and did a spot survey. We did validity, reliability tests and statistical data analysis of this survey. We also did reliability analysis of this policy using Structural Equation Model. According to the result, there is a reasonable suitability in 'The Natural Disaster Repair work Policy'. And it also improved spiritual, substantial environment of the surrounding people. The people formed positive awareness about Government Repairing Policy. This 'Natural Disaster Repair work Policy' is essential to improve and develop local community. Therefore it will affect democratic development of society.

Assessment of the Potential Carbon Credits from Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Enhancement of Forest Carbon Stock Activities in Developing Countries (개도국의 산림전용으로 인한 온실가스 배출량 감축 및 산림탄소축적 증진 활동의 탄소배출권 잠재력 평가)

  • Bae, Jae Soo;Bae, Ki Kang
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.98 no.3
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    • pp.263-271
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    • 2009
  • This study aims to identify negotiation alternatives related to Post-2012 reducing emissions from deforestation (RED) and enhancement of forest carbon stock (EFCS) activities. It also aims to recommend a negotiation strategy considering environmental integrity and national interest on the basis of estimating reduction potentials of each alternative on the assumption that tradable carbon credits play an important role as positive incentives. In order to estimate greenhouse gas (GHG) reduction potentials and income potential from RED and EFCS activities, 99 countries were selected by the Global Forest Resources Assessment of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. A 'baseline and credit' method was applied to estimate RED activities. Gross-net and net-net methods were applied for EFCS activities. According to the results, Brazil, Indonesia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo have more potential to get positive incentives through RED, while China, Chile, and the Republic of Korea have more potential to get positive incentives through EFCS. This study suggests including both RED and EFCS activities in the boundary of policy approaches and endowment of positive incentives to consider GHG reduction potentials in the global scale and equity among developing countries. Making a discount rate application of forest management activities can be also recommended to factor out the effects of human-induced activities by EFCS activities.

Past Affairs-Related Collective Memories and the Archival Justice : The Contemporary Rebuilding of the Archive on the Truth and Reconciliation Committee (과거사 집단기억과 '아카이브 정의' 진실화해위원회 아카이브의 동시대적 재구성)

  • Lee, Kyong Rae
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.46
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    • pp.5-44
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    • 2015
  • This article purposes to define archival justice and suggest democratic modeling of the archive on the Truth and Reconciliation Committee (TRC), which is focused on victims of state violence. These purposes come from critical mind that the absence of framework of the records management for collective memory would cause incorporation of TRC archives into mainstream archives systems in which voices of victims have been marginalized. This article intends to expand theoretical prospects of documentation of past affairs through applying humanistic and theoretical frameworks differently from institutional and policy approaches on restoration of collective memory. In order to do this, this article first considers archival justice as archives building in which state violence' victims are pivotal and then extracts theoretical frameworks for building the archives based on archival justice from recent discourses of post-colonial archives and community archives. As the next step, it criticizes current conditions of TRC archives in Korea on the basis of extracted theoretical frames and finally suggests realistic models in which each theoretical frame could be applied effectively into TRC archives that is focused on victims.

The Psychosocial Adjustment of High-Risk Adolescents in Poverty (고위험 빈곤청소년의 심리사회적 적응)

  • Park, Hyun-Sun
    • Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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    • v.37
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    • pp.195-216
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    • 1999
  • Adolescents whose families receive public assistance are primary interest in the article because they experience disproportionate shares of the burden of poverty and psychosocial stress and are at substantially high risk. To explain the psychosocial stresses of high-risk adolescents in poverty, this study analyzed the inter-relations and interactions of major variables: 1) stress related life condition, 2)individual & environmental resources, 3) emotional, behavioral, and academic adjustment. Data came from the survey of 351 students living in the families receiving public assistance. The major findings were as follows. High-risk adolescents in poverty suffered from chronic stresses related life conditions, including family environmental stress, financial & medical stress and stigmatic stress. As the effects of stress increased, depression/anxiety and delinquency of poor youth increased. The psychosocial adjustment of poor youth at risk was most effected by the stress resulted from family environment. Though they were suffered from stresses related poor environment, adolescents in poverty adjusted well, if they had individual and environmental resources including self-esteem democratic parenting and supportive school climate. In conclusion, this study confirmed that emotional, behavioral, and academic adjustment of adolescents in poverty was affected by various stresses from life conditions and individual and environmental resources. In order to improve adjustment of poor youth at risk, life conditions have to be improved and psychosocial resources to be increased. These findings have provided practical implications for social workers helping high-risk adolescents in poverty.

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The View on Childrearing of University Women (여대생의 자녀 양육관)

  • Kim, Young-Hee;Kim, Shin-Jeong
    • Women's Health Nursing
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    • v.6 no.2
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    • pp.269-290
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    • 2000
  • This study was conducted to inquire about the view on childrearing of university women for the purpose of building up the positive parent- child relationship and setting up preliminary parenting education program. The subjects were 137 university women who were freshmen to junior in one women's university in Seoul. Using the self-report questionnaire, data were collected from December in 1998 to March in 1999 and the contents which subjects wrote down were categorized by content analysis method. The results were as followed: 1. The age range of subjects were 20-22 years and main rearer was her mother(71.5%) 2. The view of subjects were revealed by 374 statements and then tied together 34 themes: 'exemplary parent model as a guider'(8.6%), 'determination for oneself' (8.0%), 'expression of love'(6.2%), 'humanity education'(4.8%), 'carrot and stick'(4.5%), 'respect of personality'(4.3%), 'sound living habit'(4.1%), 'conversation'(3.7%), 'regulation of greediness' (3.7%), 'supply of live experience'(3.7%), 'supply of broad and substantial vision'(3.5%), 'free choice'(3.5%), 'broad-mindedness'(3.5%), 'consideration'(3.0%), 'doing together'(3.0%), 'propriety education' (2.4%), 'pursuit of naturalness'(2.4%), 'looking for one's life'(2.4%), 'confidence'(2.1%), 'rearing by oneself'(2.1%), 'encouragement'(2.1%), 'cultivation of right sexual senses'(2.1%), 'desirable home environment'(1.9%), 'doing one's best'(1.9%), 'understanding'(1.6%), 'psychological intimacy'(1.6%), 'treat fair'(1.6%), 'pursuit of physical, psychological health' (1.6%), 'concerning'(1.3%), 'religious life'(1.3%), 'respect of individuality'(1.3%), 'cooperation' (1.1%), 'often-minded family'(0.8%), 'positive attitude'(0.8%). 34 themes were categorized by 12 categories once more: 'mature parenthood'(15.5%), 'acceptance' (11.5%), 'autonomy'(11.5%), 'pursuit of healthy life style'(9.4%), 'eagerness'(9.1%), 'making efforts'(8.8%), 'education'(8.8%), 'emotional bonding' (7.8%), 'respect'(7.2%), 'corporal punishment' (4.5%), 'supporting'(3.2%), 'composition of environment'(2.7%). In conclusion, we could expect that university women had a democratic view on childrearing with love and autonomy for a base. So we need to offer them nursing implementations such as preliminary parenting programs and parenting consulting in order to promote positive and interactional parent-child relationship by strengthening their desirable view on childrearing.

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Dual Faces of Nationalism reflected in Contemporary Korean Art and Society (현대 한국미술과 민족주의란 두 개의 얼굴)

  • Choi, Tae-Man
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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    • no.4
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    • pp.145-180
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    • 2006
  • In Korea, nation and nationalism are undeniable justice, absolute virtue and moreover system of desire. From the late Chosun Dynasty when the Korean Peninsula had to survive from the critical situation of being the arena of competition, and through the colonial period under Japanese imperialism, nationalism became stronger as a logic of survival. The policy of seclusion under closed and exclusive nationalism that didn't recognize the world situation well enough, eventually gave more pain to the nation. Nationalism in colonial Korea which was as reformed nationalism and on the other hand, as intransigent, resisting nationalism. Since the purpose of this writing is not for clarifying the argument raised on Korean nationalism, there is no use mentioning how it went with the change of time. But we have to focus on the fact that the word 'nation' which appeared under the influence of popular revolution and capitalism meaning 'a group of people', was translated and understood as a racial concept for strengthening the unity of 'single-race nation with five thousand years' history. First of all, there is nationalism used to fortify the system. 'The Charter of National Education' and 'The Pledge of Allegiance' were ornaments to intensify the ruling ideology and dictatorship to militarize entire South Korea for 'settling Korean democracy' professed nationalism. Also, another ruling ideology armed with 'self-reliance' put North Korea into the state of hypnosis called nationalism. Nationalism, claiming 'nation' outwardly, but in reality, being an illuminating, instructing ideology isolating each other was indeed a body with two faces. This made 'nation' in Korea mysterious and objective through work such as. The statue commemorating patriotic forefathers' and picture of national records' in South Korea art. Nationalism used to strengthening the system encountered the magical 'single-race' and made 'ghost' being an extreme exclusion to other nations. We can find pedigreed pureness not allowing any mixed breeds from the attitude accepting western art -via Japan or directly- and making it vague by using the word Korean and Asia. There's nationalism as a resistant ideology to solidify the system on the other side. It came out as a way of survival among the Great Power and grew with the task of national liberation to became as a powerful force facing against the dictatorship dominating South Korea after the liberation. This discussion of nationalism as a resistance ideology was active in 1980s. In 1980, democracy movement against the dictatorship of 5th Republic originated from military power which came out suppressing the democratic movement in Gwangju, spread out from the intellects and the students to the labors, farmers and the civilians. It is well known that the 'Nation-People(Minjoong)'s Art Movement could come out under this social condition. Our attitude toward nationalism is still dual in this opening part of 21st century. On one hand, they are opposing to the ultra-nationalism but are not able to separate it from nationalism, and on the other, they have much confusion using it. In fact, in a single-race nation like Korea, the situation of being nationalism and jus sanguinis together can cause dual nationalism. Though nationalism is included in the globalization order, it is evidence that it's effective in Korea where there are still modern fetters like division and separation. In particular, in the world where Japan makes East Asia Coalition but exposed in front of nationalism, and China not being free from Sinocentrism, and American nationalism taking the world order, and Russia fortifying nationalism suppressing the minority race after the dissolution of socialism, Korean nationalism is at the point to find an alternative plan superior to the ruling and resisting ideology.

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The Government Organization Act and the Desirable Government Structure in the 21st Century (21세기 바람직한 정부조직과 정부조직법)

  • Sung, Nak-In
    • Journal of Legislation Research
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    • no.44
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    • pp.241-281
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    • 2013
  • First and foremost, a discussion concerning government structure has to be done in connection with the state form and the governmental form. For practical reasons, there is a need to balance the principle of legality and its exceptions under the Government Organization Act. To ensure the flexibility of government structure with respect to the principle of legality, the National Assembly should accept the government structure requested by the newly elected government. This mitigates the rigidity of the principle of the legality within the government organizations. However, excessive changes by each government could violate the principle of legality asked by Constitution. In this sense, arbitrary modification with respect to the government structure by the newly elected government is not desirable. The long term stability of the government organization is required in any case. Secondly, general administrative agencies, other than Executive Ministries, should not be established under the direct order of the President without the control of the Prime Minister. A hierarchy of the executive branch (President->Prime Minister-> Executive Ministries) is stipulated in the Constitution. Establishing a hierarchy of President -> executive institution should be considered unconstitutional. Therefore, only the Presidential Secretariat and institutions with special functions can be established in the Presidential Office. Establishing general administrative agencies in the Presidential Office for convenience purposes is against the spirit of the current Constitution. Consequently, only the office of staffs and special agencies can be placed in the presidential office. It is against the spirit of the current Constitution to found administrative agencies under the presidential office for convenience. Thirdly, the office of the Prime Minister should be the backbone of internal affairs. In that sense, the President, as the head of state, should focus on the big picture such as the direction of the State, while the Cabinet headed by the Prime Minister should be responsible for the daily affairs of the State. The cabinet surrounding the Prime Minister must control all the ordinary affairs of the State, while the President, as the head of the State, should focus on the big picture of blueprinting the aim of the State. Lastly, the Office of the Prime Minister and Executive Ministries are the two main bodies of the executive branch. It is important to reduce the confusion caused by repeated changes in the names of Executive Ministries, to restore the traditional names and authorities of these institutions, and to rehabilitate the legitimacy of the State. For the Korean democracy to take its roots, a systematic way of stabilizing a law-governed democratic country is needed. There is also the need not only to reform security and economic agencies, but also to rationally solve the integration of technique and policy, according to the changes of time.