• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.27
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• pp.245-282
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• 2016

Currently, the whole world is being swept away by spiritual movements seeking divinity in oneself. Yet there are terror attacks, religious disputes and other conflicts continuously taking place on larger and larger scales as well as expanding further and further throughout the world. Interreligious harmony seems like a distant ideal. What is the ultimate cause of religious conflicts? Is interreligious communication truly that difficult? Even among different cultures, said cultures' varieties of ritual expressions, and various religious doctrines, there are points of general common to be appreciated if a deep perspective is adopted. When we find the common ground and understand each other's difference, it will be easier to communicate since everyone will be learning from each other. What could serve as common ground for different religions? Many scholars speak about the state of 'oneness' that is claimed by mysticism throughout a large array of religions. This state of oneness is typically not achieved overnight, but it serves as a prospective state which is pluralistically inclusive. This "religion of enlightenment" emphasizes the process of reaching comprehensive interreligious agreement would be characterized by a deep religious perspective. If superficial religious perspectives focuses only on faith to attain blessings and engage in blind belief, then, by contrast, deep religious perspectives emphasize inner divinity, the true self, orthe higher self. The words, 'superficial religious perspective' and 'deep religious perspective' were defined for personal convenience by O Gang-nam, a scholar of comparative religion. Consequently, this classification is a relative binary concept lacking hard and fast rules with regards to distinctions. But the concept of superficial religious perspectives and deep religious perspectives has its advantage in allowing clearer and easier discussion about religions because it could embrace all aspects of religious life and the development of various religious sentiment. In this way, the terms surface religious perspectives and deep religious perspectives will be used in limited framework. I both borrow this concept and reconsider it by referring to other scholars' methods of classification. From that point, I explore and these views in relation to religious experience. How does religiosity develop, maturity of religious faith take place, deep awareness of truth reveal itself, or an attitude of open-mindedness arise? After these states are realized, is interreligious agreement possible? Most religious studies scholars point out 'religious experience.' They say people could develop their faith from superficial religious beliefs into a more mature and deeper faith through religious experience while continuously aspiring towards enlightenment and practicing their religion in daily life. This study will try to examine aspects of superficial religious perspectives and deep religious perspectives represented in each religion and also explore criticism of each religion. With this view of superficial religious perspectives and deep religious perspectives, some cases documenting the religious experience of Daesoonjinrihoe disciples will be analyzed to see how their religiosity develops from superficial religious perspectives into deep religious perspectives through certain religious experiences. The characteristics of those experiences will also be investigated.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.88
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• pp.103-122
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• 2013

This paper aims to study on conceptual suitability or unfitness of Silhak(實學). It is general that by criticizing Chujahak(朱子學) or beyond the limitation of Seonglihak(性理學), Silhak has developed practical tendency to reforming the society in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty, related to the context of Korean national reflection in modern times. However, it is unfortunate to be understood. As presented in Chosenwangjosillok(『朝鮮王朝實錄』), there has been a few usages in the term 'Silhak'. In short, it was different from its contemporary meaning. At that time, it was usually used to have the meaning of Gyunghak(經學), compared to Sajanghak(詞章學), or rarely, of 'the true study' or 'the practical study'. Therefore, it is to claim that its conception has been manipulated or exaggerated very seriously. Since 1930s, in particular, its conception has been misused in interpreting works of Jung Yak-Yong by some scholars, such as Jung In-Bo, Moon Il-Pyung and An Jae-Hong, who tried to apply the term to overcome the Japanese colonial era symbolised as modernity based on the future life of Korea. Even though their attempt has led to have crucial discussions on the conceptions of Silhak, it has an unnecessary result that there has been a new and totally different understanding of Silhak in South Korea, North Korea, China, Japan, etc., which means that the unsustainable conception of Silhak has been one of major problems in studying of Silhak. To give an practical solution, I would try to make sense of 'time spirit' whose scholars studied Silhak in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty. A problem, however, is that a scholar group in the name of Bukhakpa(北學派) had certain links and bonds. This is because many scholars studying of Silhak were usually features out of the main stream, which made them it difficult to form any various groups. That is to say, it seems to be natural that they have dreamed of utopian imaginations less than of overlapping points in reality. To sum up, it would be concluded at least that any approach to human lives and thoughts in the given conceptions of Silhak, e.g. ethical thoughts of Silhak, enables us to be indifferentiated to take its true meaning and time spirit of Chosen Dynasty. To be disenchanted of its social roles in Chosen Dynasty, fundamentally, it should be escaped from the wrong net of illusions and sings in understanding Silhak in certain eclectic steps.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.89-123
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• 2010

As above, as theoretical basis of critiques against School of Mohism, the researcher summarized the positions of the elder Confucian scholars including Meng Zi. In the body of text, taking it as promises, the researcher examined the critiques against Mo Tzu and School of Mohism as well focusing on the aspects and development of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy which had been introduced and strongly argued from the end of Goryeo kingdom to the late Joseon period. The summary of the body of this text is as follows: In the old literatures prior to Goryeo Kingdom, the researcher couldn't find any cases that either the School of Mohism or Mo Tzu including the Hundred Schools of Thought had been rejected explicitly. Having reached the end of Goryeo and the beginning of Joseon period, Meng Zi's viewpoints on the theory of rejecting heterodoxy had begun to emerge and come into play with the progress of accepting Neo-Confucianism, and, these critiques against Yang Zhu and Mo Tzu being given, the scholar-literati circle had started rejecting Buddhism and Lao Tzu. Basically the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism in the early period of Joseon were in succession to Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy and the views and thoughts of the elder Confucian scholars including Han Yu rather than any specific critiques against Mo Tzu' ideology itself. Until entering the middle of Joseon period, the critiques against the School of Mohism had been used as a tool to promote Confucianism in an affirmative manner, while arguing strongly against the viewpoint of Han Yu in the first place. Particularly, not only the original text of the Mo Tzu's writings were directly quoted, although it was partial, but also the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism had been developed and stretched to the extent of their entire ideological system. Having approached to the late period of Joseon, the critiques against the School of Mohism had begun to be linked to those critiques against the study of state examination or of sentence patterns including Catholic Church, furthermore the critics raised their harsh tones against the irregularities of the society at large like the issue of corruptions of the government officials of those days instead, although they still had firmly stood on the ground of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy. Those scholars that belonged to the School of Practical Learning, in particular, said in justification of the School of Mohism arguing that the major ideologies of Mo Zi had usefulness in the real world, also they even evaluated that Meng Zi ' critiques against the School of Mohism were immoderate. To sum up, characteristics of scholars in the Joseon period to understand and critique the School of Mohism are that ideologies of Mo Tzu were mostly used as a tool for the sake of critiques against heresies in other sectors of society based mainly on Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy, rather than opposing views against the ideologies or philosophies of the School of Mohism itself. Meanwhile, however, on the plus side, the critics praised Mo Tzu's individual efforts in order to put his ideology of peace into practice apart from the ideological system of the School of Mohism. Also, having reached the late period of Joseon, the researcher was able to have discovered the fact that the writings of Mo Tzu had been used as historical materials in order to ascertain historical truths of Confucian Scriptures, rather not having it regarded as an ideology text.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.5
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• pp.255-262
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• 2023

In the early 20th century, Yeomjae Song Tae-hoe (念齋 宋泰會, 1872-1941), a disciple and onetime adopted son of teacher Song Su-myeon(宋修勉, 1847-1916), moved to Gochang and laid the foundation for Gochang calligraphy and painting, and it can be seen that a full-fledged flow began. Yeomjae Song Tae-hoe was a scholar and calligrapher of the late Joseon Dynasty and modern period from Hwasun, Jeollanam-do. He is a person who created the foundation of Gochang calligraphy and painting while working as an educator in Chinese literature, calligraphy, and painting, mainly in his hometown of Hwasun and Gochang, while engaging in creative activities. He was intelligent from a young age and showed an extraordinary talent for calligraphy. At the age of 16, he passed the Jinsa exam (童蒙進士) and became the youngest student to study at Sungkyunkwan. He was active by holding exhibitions nationwide based in Gochang and Jeonju, and was also an educator who fostered younger students by establishing Gochang High School (currently, Gochang Middle and High School) to cultivate national spirit and history. Yeomjae drew strong and healthy landscape paintings under the absolute influence of the painting style of Saho Song Su-myeon, and dealt with various materials of southern school literati paintings such as flowers and birds and four plants. In particular, he is a representative calligrapher who encompasses the early modern era and the modern era in that he expressed his interest in new cultural artifacts as well as the realization of a modern-oriented realistic landscape based on Korean natural beauty. He laid the foundation for modern and contemporary calligraphy and painting. Goam Lee Eung-no (顧菴 李應魯, 1904-1989), a world-renowned painter, learned the basics of ink painting from Yeomjae in his late teens.However, compared to his various artistic and social activities, it is regrettable that he is limited and evaluated as a local writer.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.26-36
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• 2018

This study aims to examine the characteristics of landscape through the analysis of location and the landscape of Gugok while also conducting the empirical study through the literature review, field study, and digital analysis of the Okgung Gugok. Oksan Gugok is a set of songs set in Ogsan Creek(玉山川)or Jagyese Creek(紫溪川, 紫玉山), which flows in front of the Oksan Memorial Hall(李彦迪), which is dedicated to the Lee Eong-jeok (李彦迪). We first ascertained the location and configuration of Oksan Gogok. Second, we confirmed the accurate location of Oksan Gogok by utilizing the digital topographic map of Oksan Gogok which was submitted by Google Earth Pro and Geographic Information Center as well as the length of the longitude of the gravel measured by the Trimble Juno SB GPS. Through the study of the literature and the field investigation, The results of the study are as follows. First, Yi Eonjeok was not a direct composer of Oksan Gugok, nor did he produce "Oksan Gugokha(Music)". Lee Ia-sung(李野淳), the ninth Youngest Son of Tweo-Kye, Hwang Lee, visited the "Oksan Gugokha" in the spring of 1823(Sunjo 23), which was the 270th years after the reign of Yi Eonjeok. At this time, receiving the proposal of Ian Sung, Lee Jung-eom(李鼎儼), Lee Jung-gi(李鼎基), and Lee Jung-byeong(李鼎秉), the descendants of Ian Sung set up a song and created Oksan Gugok Music. And the Essay of Oksan Travel Companions writted by Lee Jung-gi turns out being a crucial data to describe the situation when setting up the Ok-San Gugok. Second, In the majority of cases, Gogok Forest is a forest managed by a Confucian Scholar, not run by ordinary people. The creation of "Oksan Bugok Music" can be regarded as an expression of pride that the descendants of Yi Eonjeok and Lee Hwang, and next generation of several Confucian scholars had inherited traditional Neo-Confucian. Third, Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Donghaengki" contains a detailed description of the "Oksan Gugokha" process and the process of creating a song. Fourth, We examined the location of one to nine Oksan songs again. In particular, eight songs and nine songs were located at irregular intervals, and eight songs were identified as $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}08.60^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}31.20^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Referring to the ancient kingdom of Taojam, the nine-stringed Sainam was unbiased as a lower rock where the two valleys of the East West congregate. The location was estimated at $36^{\circ}01^{\prime}19.79^{{\prime}{\prime}}N$, $129^{\circ}09^{\prime}30.26^{{\prime}{\prime}}E$. Fifth, The landscape elements and landscapes presented in Lee Jung-eom's "Oksan Gugokha" were divided into form, semantic and climatic elements. As a result, Lee Jung-eom's Cho Young-gwan was able to see the ideal of mountain water and the feeling of being idle in nature as well as the sense of freedom. Sixth, After examining the appearance of the elements and the frequency of the appearance of the landscape, 'water' and 'mountain' were the absolute factors that emphasized the original curved environment at the mouth of Lee Jung-eom. Therefore, there was gugokga can gauge the fresh ideas(神仙思想)and retreat ever(隱居思想). This inherent harmony between the landscape as well as through the mulah any ideas that one with nature and meditation, Confucian tube.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.27-34
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• 2016

The results of investigation on the spatial composition and landscape characteristics of Shimwon-pavilion garden built and enjoyed by Jo Byeong-sun in 1937 during the period of Japanese colonialism based on 'Shimwon-pavilion Soosukgii(水石記)' and 'Shimwon-pavilion Poem of 25 Sceneries(二十五詠)' contained in 'Anthology of Giheon(寄軒)' are as follows. 1. Shimwon-pavilion garden is assumed as Byeol-Seo garden based on the planning background and contents of Gimun and the observations on spot. By its location, it is classified as 'Planted forest' with a pine forest in the north and 'Byeol-Seo of mooring type' with Guyacheon flowing in the garden. It is about 400m away from the main house in the straight-line distance. 2. The meaning and attributes of reclusiveness are well represented in the 'screening structures' all around Shimwon-pavilion garden with Hakrimsan, a Gasan(假山) in the north, vines on Chwibyeong(翠屛) in the east and west, Eunbyeong(隱屛) of stone walls along with Guyacheon in the south, which shows the spirit of Giheon who adored the Taoistic life. 3. Shimwon-pavilion garden, located in the Songrimsa, a temple of thousand years, is a place of consilience where Buddhism was accepted, Taoistic life was pursued with Tao Yuan-ming's philosophy regarding rural areas and romantic sensibilities of Li Po, called poem master(詩仙), the confucian values of Zhu Xi were realized. Giheon intended to build and enjoy this place as a microcosm and shelther where he unfolded his own view of learning and cultivated his mind. 4. 25 sceneries on Shimwon-pavilion consist of 5 sceneries in the space of pavilion(architecture) and 20 sceneries in the outer garden. First, 5 sceneries consist of ancillary rooms for various uses, including Jeongunru, Amsushil, Wiryujae, Iyeoldang, and Jeong-Gak Shimwon-pavilion embracing them, which shows that Shimwon-pavilion is a place to foster younger students. And 20 scenary is divided into 9 sceneries on the natural spaces and 11 artificially created facilities. 9 sceneries are engraved on the rocks as described in 'Seokgyeonggi'. 5. 4 sceneries of the indoor scenery lexemes(亭閣 心遠亭 怡悅堂 停雲樓 闇修室) were intended to be recognized by the framed pictures, 5 places among the scenery lexemes in garden(龜巖 醒石 隱屛 兩忘臺 東槃) by letters carved on the rocks, and 8 places(君子沼 杞泉 天光雲影橋 芳園 槐岡 柳堤 石扉 東翠屛) by sign stones, but signs of 8 sceneries are not currently identified because they have been be swept away and demolished. 6. A variety of plant landscapes with various meanings and water landscape with various types are contained in 25 sceneries - Sophora symbolizing a tree for scholar in Gehgang(槐岡), Willow symbolizing Tao Yuanming and continued vitality in Yooje(柳堤), Boxthorn symbolizing family togetherness in spring(杞泉), vines and herbal plants and waterfalls(隱瀑), shallow pond(君子沼), pond(湯池), water hole(杞泉), water flowing in the middle of rock(盤陀石), water flowing between the rocks(水口巖). 7. While Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden near the water, the active involvements with 11 sceneries directly built is distinguished. The other pavilion gardens are faithful in engraving the names by setting the scenery lexemes of the nature-oriented Gyeong(景) and Gok(曲) near and far, but Shimwon-pavilion garden is a garden for active learning(修景) with the spaces built to match with the beautiful nature and to show the depths of space off.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.701-738
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• 2016

The Geomungo(거문고) is a instrument of Gogureoy(高句麗). The instrument had covered a lot of Korea, so it have become a important musical instrument in Korea. Hayasi Genjo(林謙三), Japanese scholar, had maintained his opinion that the Geomungo of Gogureoy is the Wagonghu(臥??), and the Geomungo was formed later, the record of Kimbusik, wrighter of the History of Three Kingdom(三國史記), was incredible. Lee-Hyegu refuted his hypothesis because the introduction on the Wagonghu of Japan have been inaccurate. Since then, many scholars of Korea have studed on the Geomungo of Gogureoy. But their study of the Geomungo was inclined to the topic, relation of the Geomungo and the Wagonghu, or the Wagonghu, the origin of the Geomungo. And They have thought that the record of Kimbusik's was truth. Kimbusik had recorded that Wangsanak(王山岳) had made the Geomungo from the Chilheoyn-Geum(七絃琴, Seven stringed Zither. 古琴). But the Geomungo was different from Geum(琴), but similar to Wagonghu. Many ancient tomb have been unearthed in the old land of Gogureoy, and the were many tomb painting of Gogureoy Geomungo. They were many different style, the form, the size, the number of strings and the position of the musician. So I think that many various type of the Geomungo had been exsited in Gogureoy they had become a prestyle of the Geomungo. The Geomungo was originated from the Wagonghu, its form was similar to the Geomungo. The many scholars considered that it is truth, the Wagonghu was handed down from China, and was spreded to Japan. But there were the Wagonghu in the early Joseon(古朝鮮), The song of the early Joseon, Gongmudohaga(公無渡河歌). The song was accompanied by the Wagonghu. We can read off, at the Song, the Wagonghu had exsisted in the early Joseon. So I think cautiously on that point, the Wagonghu of the Early Joseon was old than that of China, and thd Geomungo of Gogureoy was originated from the Wagonghu of the Early Joseon.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.4-19
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• 2017

Kim Jeong-gi (pen-name: Changsan, Mar. 31, 1930 - Aug. 26, 2015) made a major breakthrough in the history of cultural property excavation in Korea: In 1959, he began to develop an interest in cultural heritage after starting work as an employee of the National Museum of Korea. For about thirty years until he retired from the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage in 1987, he devoted his life to the excavation of our country's historical relics and artifacts and compiled countless data about them. He continued striving to identify the unique value and meaning of our cultural heritage in universities and excavation organizations until he passed away in 2015. Changsan spearheaded all of Korea's monumental archeological excavations and research. He is widely known at home and abroad as a scholar of Korean archeology, particularly in the early years of its existence as an academic discipline. As such, he has had a considerable influence on the development of Korean archeology. Although his multiple activities and roles are meaningful in terms of the country's archaeological history, there are limits to his contributions nevertheless. The Deoksugung Palace period (1955-1972), when the National Museum of Korea was situated in Deoksugung Palace, is considered to be a time of great significance for Korean archeology, as relics with diverse characteristics were researched during this period. Changsan actively participated in archeological surveys of prehistoric shell mounds and dwellings, conducted surveys of historical relics, measured many historical sites, and took charge of photographing and drawing such relics. He put to good use all the excavation techniques that he had learned in Japan, while his countrywide archaeological surveys are highly regarded in terms of academic history as well. What particularly sets his perspectives apart in archaeological terms is the fact that he raised the possibility of underwater tombs in ancient times, and also coined the term "Haemi Culture" as part of a theory of local culture aimed at furthering understanding of Bronze Age cultures in Korea. His input was simply breathtaking. In 1969, the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH) was founded and Changsan was appointed as its head. Despite the many difficulties he faced in running the institute with limited financial and human resources, he gave everything he had to research and field studies of the brilliant cultural heritages that Korea has preserved for so long. Changsan succeeded in restoring Bulguksa Temple, and followed this up with the successful excavation of the Cheonmachong Tomb and the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb in Gyeongju. He then explored the Hwangnyongsa Temple site, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the Mireuksa Temple site in order to systematically evaluate the Buddhist culture and structures of the Three Kingdoms Period. We can safely say that the large excavation projects that he organized and carried out at that time not only laid the foundations for Korean archeology but also made significant contributions to studies in related fields. Above all, in terms of the developmental process of Korean archeology, the achievements he generated with his exceptional passion during the period are almost too numerous to mention, but they include his systematization of various excavation methods, cultivation of archaeologists, popularization of archeological excavations, formalization of survey records, and promotion of data disclosure. On the other hand, although this "Excavation King" devoted himself to excavations, kept precise records, and paid keen attention to every detail, he failed to overcome the limitations of his era in the process of defining the nature of cultural remains and interpreting historical sites and structures. Despite his many roles in Korean archeology, the fact that he left behind a controversy over the identity of the occupant of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb remains a sore spot in his otherwise perfect reputation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.234-249
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• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.55-88
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• 2013

Gwonwu Hong Chan-yu is one of the modern and contemporary Korean scholars of Sino-Korean literature and one of the literati of his era, so is respected as a guiding light by academic descendants. Gwonwu was a teacher of his era, who experienced all the turbulence of Korean society, such as the Japanese occupation by force, the Korean War, the military dictatorship, and the struggle for democracy, and who educated and led young scholars of his time. However, academia has not payed attention to his life and achievements since his death. This paper is to examine the poetry of Gwonwu Hong Chan-yu, one of the representative modern and contemporary scholar of Sini-Korean literature, which has not yet been discussed by academia. The minimal meaning of this paper is that it is a first work based on his anthology, which has not been discussed by academia, and a first full-scale study on Gwonwu Hongchan-yu. For the reason, this paper aims at the detailed inspection of his poetic pieces recorded in his anthology. Nonetheless, despite such intentions, some limits cannot be avoided here and there in this paper for the insufficient knowledge and academic capability of this paper's writer and for the lack of academic sources. Gwonwu's poetry examined through his anthology shows the characteristic which is that his poems focus on exposing his own internal emotions. Such a characteristic says that his idea of poetic literature payed attention more to individuality, that is exposition of private emotions, than to social utility of poems. Gwonwu's such an idea of poetic literature can be generally affirmed throughout his poetry. Accordingly, Gwonwu preferred classical Chinese poems to archaistic poems, and single poems to serial poems; and avoided writing poems within social relations such as farewell-poems, bestowal-poems, and mourning-poems. When the characteristics of Gwonwu's poetic literature get summarized as such, however, some questions remain. The preferential question is whether the poems in his anthology are the whole poetry of him. Although Gwonwu's poetic pieces that the writer of this paper have checked out till now are all in his anthology, it is very much questionable whether Gwonwu's poetry can be summed up only with these poems. The next question is what is the writing method for taking joy(spice), sentiment, and full-heart into his poems if Gwonwu's poems focus on exposing his internal emotions, and if poems exposing joy and poems exposing sentiment and full-heart appear coherently in various different spaces and circumstances of writing. The final question is what are the meanings of Gwonwu's poems if his poetry checked out through his anthology directly shows either the reality carried in his poems or the reality of a time in his life. The questions listed above are thought to be resolved by the synchronizing process of stereoscopic searches both for Gwonwu as an individual and for the era of his life. Especially, spurring deeper researches toward a new direction regarding Gwonwu's poetry has an important meaning for construction of a complete modern and contemporary history of Sino-Korean literature and for procurement of continuous research on Sino-Korean literature and its history. For the reason, it is thought that more efforts of researchers are required.