• 통상정보연구
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• 제12권4호
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• pp.385-404
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• 2010

The purpose of this article is to examine the Delays of Performance under UN Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods. In theory, there exist three clearly distinguishable categories of breach of contract, namely non-performance, non-conforming performance and late performance. In particular, delays of performance are the most common breach of sales contract including late delivery, late payment or late performance of any other obligation. In this regard, this article examines how parties can, through careful drafting, avoid or minimize legal problems in case of delay in performance. Especially, the export perspective focuses on the seller's interests, which require that sanctions be as lenient as possible if the seller has breached the contract but that there are prompt and adequate sanctions if the buyer has breached the contract. Furthermore, the seller should ensure that a short or medium delay in delivery will not entitle the buyer to declare the contract immediately avoided and take precautions against late payment, including delayed opening of a letter of credit.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제10권4호
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• pp.175-181
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• 2024

유엔 안전보장이사회 산하 대북제재위원회는 북한이 2017년부터 2023년까지 가상자산 관련 회사를 상대로 사이버 공격을 벌여 탈취한 금액이 약 4조원으로 추산하고 있다고 평가했다. 북한의 사이버 공격은 국제사회의 경제제재로 인한 외화확보가 제한되자 가상화폐 해킹으로 자금을 확보하고 있고, 방산업체에 대한 기술탈취의 형태도 보여주고 있으며 이렇게 확보하 자금은 김정은 정권유지와 핵·미사일 개발에 사용되고 있다. 2017년 9월 3일 북한이 제 6차 핵실험을 단행하고 같은 해 11월 29일 대륙간탄도미사일(ICBM) 발사를 계기로 국가 핵무력 완성을 선언하자 유엔은 대북제재를 가하였는데 이는 역사상 가장 강력한 경제제재로 평가된다. 이러한 경제적 어려운 상황에서 북한은 사이버 공격을 통해 위기를 극복하고자 하였는데 북한의 사이버 공격 사례를 통해 그 변화 양상을 분석한 결과 1기는 2009년~2016년까지로 전략적 목표로 국가 기간망 무력화와 정보 탈취를 통해 북한 스스로 사이버 능력을 검증 및 과시는 모습과 남한 내 사회혼란을 조성하려는 의도로 보여졌다. 2기는 2016년 대북제재로 외화벌이가 제한되자 가상화폐를 탈취하여 김정은 정권유지 및 핵·미사일 개발 고도화를 위한 자금확보의 모습을 보였다. 3기는 국내외 방산업체에 대한 기술해킹으로 2021년 8차 당대회에서 김정은 위원장이 제시한 전략무기 5대 과업 달성을 위한 핵심기술 탈취에 집중하는 모습을 보이고 있다. 북한의 사이버 공격에 대해 국가 차원에서 국가기관 뿐 아니라 민간업체에 대한 보안대책을 수립해야 될 것이고 이과 관련된 법령 제도, 기술적 문제, 예산 등에 대한 대책이 시급히다. 또한 화이트 해커와 같은 전문인력 양성 및 확보에 주력하여 날로 발전하고 있는 사이버 공격에 대응할 수 있도록 시스템 및 인력 구축이 필요하다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권39호
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• pp.5-46
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• 2016

North Korea's 4th nuclear test on Jan. 6 and following developments once again awakened the world into seriousness of the nuclear matters on the Korean peninsula. On March 2, UNSC adopted Resolution 2270 which is complemented by Seoul government's measures such as withdrawal from the Gaesung Industrial Complex (Feb. 9) and announcement of unilateral sanction (March 8). Seoul government also strongly urged the international community to strangle North Korea's 'financial resources.' The U.S., Japan, China, and other countries have issued unilateral sanctions to complement the UNSC measure. South Korea and the U.S. conducted their annual joint military drill (Resolve-Foal Eagle) in the largest-ever scale. North Korea, however, responded with demonstration of its nuclear capabilities and announcement of de facto 'nuclear-first' politics. North Korea test-fired a variety of delivery vehicles, threatened nuclear strikes against South Korea and the U.S., and declared itself as an 'invincible nuclear power armed with hydrogen bombs' at the 7th Workers 'Party Congress held in May, 2016. Considering the circumstantial evidences, the North's 4th nuclear test may have been a successful boosted fission bomb test. North Korea, and, if allowed to go on with its nuclear programs, will become a nuclear power armed with more than 50 nuclear weapons including hydrogen bombs. The North is already conducting nuclear blackmail strategy towards South Korea, and must be developing 'nuclear use' strategies. Accordingly, the most pressing challenge for the international community is to bring the North to 'real dialogue for denuclearization through powerful and consistent sanctions. Of course, China's cooperation is the key to success. In this situation, South Korea has urgent challenges on diplomacy and security fronts. A diplomatic challenge is how to lead China, which had shown dual attitudes between 'pressure and connivance' towards the North's nuclear matters pursuant to its military relations with the U.S, to participate in the sanctions consistently. A military one is how to offset the 'nuclear shadow effects' engendered by the North's nuclear blackmail and prevent its purposeful and non-purposeful use of nuclear weapons. Though South Korea's Ministry of Defense is currently spending a large portion of defense finance on preemption (kill-chain) and missile defense, they pose 'high cost and low efficiency' problems. For a 'low cost and high efficiency' of deterrence, South Korea needs to switch to a 'retaliation-centered' deterrence strategy. Though South Korea's response to the North's nuclear threat can theoretically be boiled down into dialogue, sanction and deterrence, now is the time to concentrate on strong sanction and determined deterrence since they are an inevitable mandatory course to destroy the North' nuclear-first delusion and bring it to a 'real denuclearization dialogue.'

• 한국과 국제사회
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.113-136
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• 2018

본 연구는 국제사회의 대북제재가 왜 큰 효과를 나타내지 못했는가에 대한 문제인식에서 출발하고 있으며, 이러한 질문의 답을 찾기 위해 중국의 대북지원에 주목하고서 대북지원의 결정요인을 분석한다. 국제사회의 강경한 대북제재에도 불구하고 중국은 북한에 대해 제재와 지원이라는 이중적 자세를 취하고 있다. 이러한 중국의 이중적 자세에 대해 본 연구는 양면게임이론에 이론적 근거를 두고서 대북지원이 대한 대내외적 상황에 접근하였다. 중국의 대북지원에 대한 결정요인은 국외요인, 국내요인으로 구분할 수 있다. 이들 요인들은 중국의 패권강화, 미국 견제, 중국의 책임있는 강대국 역할 수행, 북한의 자원 확보, 중국의 안정적인 성장 지속, 중국의 사회주의정치체제 정당성 유지, 베이징 컨센서스의 확산 등이 있다. 해당 요인들에 대한 분석을 토대로 살펴보면 향후 중국의 대북지원은 공식적 또는 비공식적 모두 지속적으로 이루어질 것이고 대북지원이 중단되거나 북 중 관계가 악화되는 상황이 발생하는 것은 어려울 것이라고 전망할 수 있다.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.31-43
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• 2017

The situation in Korean peninsula, globally and regionally, which followed the global huge uncertainty, changed a lot. Because of the political crisis, ROK falls into a chaos. And DPRK goes into a policy changing period by the internal issues, international sanctions and assassination accident in Malaysia, which is confirmed to be DPRK's Supreme leader, Kim Jong Un's half brother. Under this changing circumstances, the perspectives of regarding China and the Korean peninsula, must be undated accordingly. Only by understanding the Sino-US relations, the DPRK nuclear issue and the regional dilemmas can we formulate reasonable policies to contribute to the peace and stability of the Korean Peninsula.

• 기술사
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• 제28권4호
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• pp.14-20
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• 1995

Discourses on global environment are not only limited to the matter of simple environmen-tal protection but also going to an imperative that every country should take the environ-mental aspects into more consideration, and if necessary even proceed to modify its own strategies for economic growth. It is because scores of existing International conventions and agreements on environmental caused tend to combine the environmental issues with trade sanctions and financial assistances in order to ensure a mandatory power in pushing themselves through on a global dimension. Particularly noteworthy is the so -called Green Round(GR) which substantially associates the Issues of environmental protection with some sanctions in international trade, its rationale is quite simple. The differentiated production costs rising from the difference in environmental standards among different countries may affect national competitiveness in in-ternational trade, therefore a need does exist to countervail this difference. In reality, however, severe dissention seems to have been exposed between the developed and developing countries around this matter, because national interests and priorities in national goals considerably differ among respective countries. Greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide which caused global warming are mostly released from the combustion of fossil fuels. The perfect removal of released $CO_{2}$ is impossible with existing technologies, and moreover, it's not payable in economical terms. Therefore it will be more effective and desirable to make more efforts to prevent the release of the $CO_{2}$ it- self through energy conservation involving the development and promotion of clean and high-efficient energy technologies and energy sources, and the development and promotion of new & renewable energy resources, and so on. One of important national tasks In our country is to establish an Energy Policy consider-ing environmental impacts since Korea depends most of its energy consumption on the fossil fuels such as oil and coal.

• 무역상무연구
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• 제12권
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• pp.615-641
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• 1999

Trade and the environment emerged as a major and complex issue for trade negotiators in the final stages of the Uruguay Round negotiations. The agreements and other international measures employing trade measures and trade sanctions for achieving global environmental objectives are Vienna Convention on the Protection of the Ozone Layer(1985), the Montreal Protocol on Substances that deplete the Ozone Layer(1987), The Framework Convention on Climate Change(1992), the Convention on Biological Diversity(1992), the Basel Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movement of Hazardous Waste and their Disposal(1992), the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Faunna and Flora(1975), the Rio Declaration, the Agenda 21, etc. The texts of the World Trade Organization(WTO) incorporated certain provisions which were designed to reflect some of the environmental concerns are Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Properity Rights(TRIPs), Trade-Related Investment Measures (TRIMs), the General Agreement on Trade in Services(GATS), and Technical Barriers to Trade(TBT) There is the possibility of conflict between multilateral environmental agreements and WTO agreements granting waivers against trade measures and sanctions. This remains a possibility, especially between countries which are Member of WTO and which are not Members of the relevant multilateral environment agreements, and countries which are Members of both the WTO and the relevant MEAs. Measures taken under the trade-related provisions of MEAs could potentially give rise to conflicts under obligations arising in WTO texts. If the parties in dispute are WTO members while they are not members of MEAs, the WTO provisions can be granted a certain priority in terms of international norms and vice versa. When the parties concerned are both WTO members and MEAs, it will be rational to grant the WTO provisions a priority. However, such measures should neither constitute a means of arbitrary or unjustifiable discrimination between countries where similar conditions prevail, nor create a disguised restriction on trade. Also any trade measures taken should be necessary to prevent developments in trade from endangering the effectiveness of an MEA and they should be proportional and least trade restrictive.

• 한국물환경학회지
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• 제29권1호
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• pp.66-73
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• 2013

Total Maximum Daily Loads (TMDLs) system was introduced to manage pollution load of watershed and to improve water quality of unit watershed so that it is possible to protect dringking water soureces. Load allocation observation is the most important factor in TMDLs system. Because if load allocation is not observed, it is difficult to achieve water quality goal of unit watershed. Also it is impossible to improve water quality of the drinking water sources. Therefore it is necessary to apply some kind of sanctions (penalty) in case of excess of load allocation. The sanctions have to be, however, applied differently based on various reduction plan types, i.e., using the reduction load planed in 2nd phase, delay the completion, additional reduction in 2nd phase, error of the pollution sources, etc. Moreover, the penalty load should be properly imposed, lest it should be overburden the provence. The reduction load trade inter province must be restrictively permmitted only the same unit watershed.

• STI Policy Review
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• 제2권3호
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• pp.1-12
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• 2011

North Korea is now under the pressure of international sanctions due to its nuclear tests, firing of long-range ballistic missiles, the sinking of the ROK naval frigate the Cheonan, and the artillery attack on Yeonpyeong Island that killed four people. To overcome the burden of sanctions North Korea has exerted various efforts to reconstruct its industries. However, it is very unlikely that these reconstruction efforts would produce significant results due to the structural problems of the antiquated infrastructure of North Korean industries. In the future, it is expected that South Korea will have to cooperate with North Korea for the reconstruction of the North Korean economy after the North Korean nuclear issue will be peacefully resolved. South Korean government has to prepare for the reconstruction with careful planning based on analysis of North Korean industries. But, the number of previous studies that have analyzed the technological level of North Korean industries are quite limited. In preparation for the future inter-Korean industrial cooperation, this study tries to analyze the technological level of North Korean industries. The steel industry has been selected as the focus for the main analysis of this study due to the importance of the steel industry as one of key infrastructure industries. Additionally, this study tests the sustainability of the North Korean steel industry by looking into the possibility of whether the North Korean steel industry can sustain or grow while maintaining global competitiveness in the future when the market opens to the world. Such analysis is expected to contribute to the joint prosperity of two Koreas in the short term and the reduction of unification costs in long term.

• 융합보안논문지
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• 제15권5호
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• pp.61-70
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• 2015

우리와 대치하고 있는 적 북한은 1950년 6월 25일 불법 기습남침을 하였고 1953년 7월 27일 정전협정 조인 이후에도 약 5,000여 회에 이르는 크고 작은 도발을 자행하였다. 특히, 북한은 2010년 3월 26일 천안함을 폭침하여 동년 5월 24일 단행된 5.24대북 재제조치 상태에서도 2010년 11월 23일 연평도 포격도발을 감행하였으며 지난 2015년 8월 4일 또다시 DMZ 목함 지뢰 도발을 하였다. 우리군은 그에 대한 대응으로 확성기 방송을 재개하여 대북 심리전을 재개하자 북한은 준전시 상태를 선포하며 파국으로 가던 중, 남북한은 협상을 시도하여 고위급접촉 과정과 그 결과 공동합의문을 타결하였다. 이러한 고위급접촉을 보며 우리는 너무나 안이한 대응을 하고 있는 것은 아닌지 돌아보며 향후 계속될 북한과의 협상을 어떻게 준비하고 대응할 것인가에 대하여 북한의 협상전술과 우리의 대응방향을 제시하였다.