• Journal of Aquaculture
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.42-50
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• 2009

Shrimp farming which is entirely conducted in outdoor ponds in the west coast of Korea has been suffered from mass mortality due to viral epizootics. Intensive indoor shrimp culture under limited water exchange can solve these problems of outdoor ponds including viral transmission from environment, pollution due to discharge of rearing water, low productivity and limited culture period. In this study, juvenile L. vannamei (B.W. 0.08-0.09 g) was stocked with $3,000-5,455/m^3$ in density in four raceway tanks (two $12.9\;m^2$, two $18\;m^2$ tanks) and cultured for 42 days with 2.7-3.4% of daily water exchange. Results from four tanks showed FCR of 0.79-1.29, survival of 38.2-48.0%, and yields of $2.49-4.22\;kg/m^3$ which is consistent with 12-20 and 8-14 times higher than those of commercial shrimp hatchery and outdoor pond in Korea, respectively. Concentrations of total ammonia nitrogen in all four tanks were 1.11-1.42 ppm in mean level and did not exceed 6.0 ppm (0.096 ppm of $NH_3$) which is still acceptable levels for shrimp growth. During the culture trial, concentration of $NO_2$-N rapidly increased from stocking, resulting in mean concentration of 18.45-22.07 ppm. It also exceeded 10 ppm over four weeks and maintained at 35-45 ppm for four days in all tanks, accounting for low survival of shrimp due to long-term exposure to high concentration of $NO_2$-N. Nevertheless, the results with survival rate over 38% from raceways which experienced the extreme $NO_2$-N levels suggests that under "biofloc system" white shrimp can acclimate to high $NO_2$-N concentration to some degree.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.29-38
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• 2010

A moat is a pond or waterway paved on the outside of a fortress that is one of the facilities to prevent enemy from approaching the fortress wall or classify it as the boundary space, and this study was undertaken to find out the characteristics of the moat that was existed in the East and the West from ancient time to medieval time with the following result. First, the moat in the East was installed of natural moat and artificial moat at the same time while the moat in the West had the fortress built in naturally advantageous site to use natural most substantially more. Second, the moats of Korea were smaller in scale compared to other countries (Japan, China and the Western countries). Third, the fortresses in the East were built to protect towns or royal palace while the West had the fortress to protect the residence of kings, lords, great wealthy persons and the like, and they were used jointly with the natural moat and artificial moat to defend against the infiltration of enemy. Fourth, the Pungsujiri in the Orient is one of the numerous ideologies forming the supplementary ideologic system of Korean people that could not be denied as the perception that influences on Korean people after the Silla Dynasty, and this Pungsujiri was considered when determining the location of the castle. The moat surrounding the castle had the role to keep the good energy in the castle from escaping away. Fifth, the Ha-Ha technique in the west was designed to prevent the external power from infiltration by digging the ditch on the place applicable to the boundary of the garden site, rather than the fence. While walking around along the water-side path without knowing the existence of this ditch, when the road is discovered with the cut off in the ditch, people had the exclamation without actually recognizing such astonishment. It was originally the dike for military purpose during the medieval time that was designed to look into the garden without physical boundary surrounded with the vertical fence in the garden that by having the deep ditch like shape on the boundary line of the garden which was designed to form the farm by preventing various types of cattle from coming inside the garden and bring in the garden element for farms, forestry, agricultural land and the like.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.38-49
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• 2016

This study is based on the assumption that the documentations, and poetry form a basis for undertone of the location and original landscape explored by inference and enjoyment aspects; the significance has been inferred by investigating the original location, relocated location, and the original landscape of Imsil Manchwi Pavilion. The results of the attempted research for locational value, and preservation of the original landscape before and after the relocation of Imsil Manchwi Pavilion is as follows. Firstly, Manchwi, meaning evergreen, was made a pseudonym of KimWi. The name reflects an image two evergreen pine trees facing one another. The poetry form presents the eternal fidelity. In addition, considering the symbolic plant and the meaning of evergreen pine trees specified on the pavilion, the name is derived from the fidelity, longevity of the family, vitality and so on. Secondly, Manchwi Pavilion was founded in the location, known as the snakehead form, that represents the vitality. Snake faces the swallow form over the river, therefore, it connotes the wishes for fidelity and prosperity of the family. Manchwi Pavillion is prostrate pheasant form which is suitable for those who look for a hiding place or place for their study. It is noticeable that the location infers and hand down the efforts on succession for prosperity of the family and the study. Thirdly, it is estimated that Manchwi Pavilion was established between 1572 and 1582; and the relocation was conducted in the late 1880s. Fourthly, although eternal fidelity was presented in Manchwi Pavillion with locational language, the Manchwi Pavillion after its relocation next to KimWi's grave implies the tendency of the changed value: the commemoration of the ancestors, and prosperity of the family. Fifthly, after the relocation of the pavilion, the proportion of the rooms with Korean heating system, so-called'Ondol'has been increased for its best use in all seasons. And its veranda for extension and its verse couplet implies that this connote the original meaning and pursuit of the study. Sixthly, the way that the poetry portrays pine trees, pond, plants, valleys, and streams shows the aspect of enjoyment of the landscapes and the meaning of fidelity, pure mind, free and easy life, self-examination, the frailty of human life. Lastly, despite the difference between tenth poetic language of three Sipyoung and Wonwoon Sipyeong, exploring the landscape based on the analysis on the poetry can be a basis on the maintenance and restoration of the original landscape as the inspiration and the meaning show that Wonwoon Sipyeong maintains the aspect of the author enjoying original landscape.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.3
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• pp.42-59
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• 2014

Han Pilgyo (1807~1878) was a scholar-official in the later period of the Joseon Dynasty. The research results on spatial structure and landscape techniques of the central government office reviewed through the Sukcheonjeado(宿踐諸衙圖) album collection edited by Han Pilgyo are as follows. First, Sukcheonjeado(宿踐諸衙圖) using Sabangjeondomyobeob(四方顚倒描法, a Korean traditional drawing type) is uniquely proven historical data which helps to understand the spatial structure of the center and local government offices and the characteristics of cultural landscape. Secondly, the central government office located in Yookcho(六曹) Street which is the outside Gwanghwamun(光化門) of the Main Palace(Gyeongbokgung, 景福宮) of the Joseon Dynasty has a center facility(Dangsangdaecheong, 堂上大廳) and attached buildings which are distributed from high to low or from left to right, according to its order of presidency in square-shaped portion of land. The main building was located facing south and by considering the administrative convenience, the environmental effect and the practice of Confucian norms this structure reflects a hierarchical landuse system. Thirdly, the main buildings such as Dangsangdaecheong and Hyangcheong(鄕廳), which are the working place for government officials had large square front yards for constructing a practical patio garden. The back garden was tended to reflect the meaning landscape, with such as pond and pavilion. A particular point was the repeated crossing of active space and passive space(movement and stillness, building and yard, yard and garden), which implements the Yin-Yang principle. Fourth, the characteristics that can be extracted from the central government office landscapes are (1) expandability of outdoor space, connects of front gardens, emphasizes the characteristic of serviceable gardens and back gardens, which in turn emphasizes scenic sides, (2) introduction of water features(square-shaped ponds) that can be used as fire-water and considers environmental-amenity and landscape characteristics, (3) introduction of pavilions for relaxation, mental and physical discipline, and the development of back gardens, (4) significance of Jeongsimsoo(庭心樹) in such things as selection of concise landscape plants like lotus, willow, pine, zelkova and so on, and limited plant introduction, (5) environmental design techniques which set importance on not only aesthetics and ideality but also practical value. Thus, these aspects of the government office landscape can be said to be the universality and particularity of Korean traditional landscape technique and can be extracted similarly in the palaces, temples, lecture halls, and houses of the upper class of the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.89-100
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• 2021

This study evaluated the degree of interaction between the people and the environment using perceived naturalness measure. The seventh-grade index of Hemeroby was divided into subclasses of land cover according to degrees of human influence. The grade was standardized for each indicator to evaluate the current state of urban parks in Seoul by applying probability density function and weight. User evaluation was conducted on six distinctive parks selected. In the results, three implications were found between spatial evaluation according to the perceived naturalness. First, park users evaluated highly for the spaces such as broad-leaved forest, coniferous forest and mixed forest evaluated highly in the Hemeroby grade index. Park users generally recognized that various types of trees in the area had high naturalness. The density of trees is one of the factors in perceived naturalness. Second, water spaces were highly evaluated for naturalness in the Hemeroby grade index. However, the perceived naturalness of water spaces such as inland wetlands, pond and reservoir evaluated in various ways depending on environmental conditions around the park. Third, perceived naturalness is easily evaluated through vertical landscape elements such as trees rather than horizontal landscapes such as grassland. The perceived naturalness is similar to the naturalness evaluation using land cover. However the study found the perceived naturalness for a specific space was different from the Hemeroby index. Perceived naturalness by the user includes the content that the individual sees, hears, and experiences. Park users are usually structuring naturalness through evaluating the value of urban green spaces based on personal perception. Therefore there is no absolute standard criterion for evaluating the naturalness of urban green spaces. A deeper study is needed that considers user bundles or user groups with conflicting interests on the perceived naturalness in urban parks. These studies will be essential data on the direction of naturalness urban park service should provide.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.38-55
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• 2021

Cherwon Castle is located in Pungcheonwon, Cherwon, in the center of the Korean Peninsula. Currently, it is split across the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) between the two Koreas. It attracts attention as a symbol of inter-Korean reconciliation and as cultural heritage that serves as data in making important policy decisions on the DMZ. Despite its importance, however, there has not been sufficient investigation and research done on Cherwon Castle. This is due to the difficulty involved in investigation and research and is caused by the site's inaccessibility. As a solution, the current investigative methods in satellite and aerial archeology can be applied to interpret and analyze the structure of Cherwon Castle and the features of its inner space zoning. Cherwon Castle was built on the five flat hills that begin in the northern mountainous hills and stretch to the southwest. The inner and outer walls were built mainly on the hilly ridges, and the palace wall was built surrounding a flat site that was created on the middle hill. For each wall, the sites of the old gates, which were erected in various directions , have been identified. They seem to have been built to fit the direction of buildings in the castle and the features of the terrain. The castle was built in a diamond shape. The old sites of the palace and related buildings and landforms related to water drainage were identified. It was verified that the roads and the gates were built to run from east to west in the palace. In the spaces of the palace and the inner castle, flat sites were created to fit different landforms, and building sites were arranged there. Moreover, the contour of a reservoir that is believed to be the old site of a pond has been found; it lies on the vertical extension of the center line that connects the palace and the inner castle. Between the inner castle and the outer castle, few vestiges of old buildings were found, although many flat sites were discovered. Structurally, Cherwon Castle is rotated about nine degrees to the northeast, forming a planar rectangle. The planar structure derives from the castle design that mimics the hilly landform, and the bending of the southwestern wall also attests to the intention of the architects to avoid the wetland. For now, it is impossible to clearly describe the functions and characters of the building sites inside the castle. However, it is believed that the inner castle was marked out for space for the palace and government offices, while the space between the outer and inner castle was reserved as the living space for ordinary people. The presence of the hilly landform diminishes the possibility that a bangri (grid) zoning system existed. For some of the landforms, orderly zoning cannot be ruled out, as flat areas are commonly seen. As surveys have yet to be conducted on the different castles, the time when the walls were built and how they were constructed cannot be known. Still, the claim to that the castle construction and the structuring of inner spaces were inspired by the surrounding landforms is quite compelling.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.59-66
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• 2023

This study attempts to examine the process of establishing a Japanese-style garden in the modern period through the perspectives of garden designers, spatial composition, spatial components, and materials used in their works, and to use it as data for embodying the identity of Korean garden. The results are as follows: First, by incorporating elements associated with Koreanness into the modern garden culture, there are differences in location, presence, and subjectivity when compared to Japan. This reflects Japan's relatively seamless cultural continuity compared to Korea's cultural disconnection during the modern period. Second, prior to the modern period, Japan's garden culture spread and continued to develop throughout the country without significant interruptions. However, during the modern period, the Meiji government promoted the policy of 'civilization and enlightenment (Bunmei-kaika, 文明開化)' and introduced advanced European and American civilizations, leading to the popularity of Western-style architectural techniques. Unfortunately, the rapid introduction of Western culture caused the traditional Japanese culture to be overshadowed. In 1879, British architect Josiah Condor guided Japanese architects and introduced atelier and traditional designs of Japanese gardens into the design. The garden style of Ogawa Jihei VII, a garden designer in Kyoto during the Meiji and Taisho periods, was accepted by influential political and business leaders who sought to preserve Japan's traditional culture. And a protection system of garden was established through the preparation of various laws and regulations. Third, as a comprehensive analysis of Japanese modern gardens, the examination of garden designers, Japanese components, materials, elements, and the Japanese-style showed that Yamagata Aritomo, Ogawa Jihei VII, and Mirei Shigemori were representative garden designers who preserved the Japanese-style in their gardens. They introduced features such as the creation of a Daejicheon(大池泉) garden, which involves a large pond on a spacious land, as well as the naturalistic borrowed scenery method and water flow. Key components of Japanese-style gardens include the use of turf, winding garden paths, and the variation of plant species. Fourth, an analysis of the Japanese-style elements in the target sites revealed that the use of flowing water had the highest occurrence at 47.06% among the individual elements of spatial composition. Daejicheon and naturalistic borrowed scenery were also shown. The use of turf and winding paths were at 65.88% and 78.82%, respectively. The alteration of tree species was relatively less common at 28.24% compared to the application of turf or winding paths. Fifth, it is essential to discover more gardens from the modern period and meticulously document the creators or owners of the gardens, the spatial composition, spatial components, and materials used. This information will be invaluable in uncovering the identity of our own gardens. This study was conducted based on the analysis of the process of establishing the Japanese-style during Japan's modern period, utilizing examples of garden designers and gardens. While this study has limitations, such as the absence of in-depth research and more case studies or specific techniques, it sets the stage for future exploration.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.89-122
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• 2019

In this paper, I argue that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers by Jeong Su-yeong (1743~1831, pseudonym: Jiwujae) is a record of his private journeys to several places on the outskirts of Hanyang (present-day Seoul) and that it successfully embodies the painter's subjective perspective while boating on these rivers and going on outings to nearby mountains. Around 1796, Jeong Su-yeong traveled to different places and documented his travels in this 16-meter-long handscroll. Several leaves of paper, each of which depicts a separate landscape, are pieced together to create this long handscroll. This indicates that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers reflected the painter's personal subjective experiences as he went along his journey rather than simply depicts travel destinations. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers features two types of travel: boating and mountain outings on foot. Traveling by boat takes up a large portion of the handscroll, which illustrates the channels of the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers. Mountain outings correspond to the sections describing the regions around Bukhansan, Gwanaksan, and Dobongsan Mountains. Jeong Su-yeong traveled to this wide span of places not just once, but several times. The fact that the Hangang River system are not presented in accordance with their actual locations shows that they were illustrated at different points. After visiting the riversides of the Hangang and Namhangang Rivers twice, Jeong Su-yeong delineated them in fourteen scenes. Among them, the first eight illustrate Jeong's initial trip by boat, while the other six scenes are vistas from his second trip. These fourteen scenes occupy half of this handscroll, indicating that the regions near the Hangang River are painted most frequently. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's first boating trip to the system of the Hangang River portray the landscapes that he personally witnessed rather than famous scenes. Some of the eight scenic views of Yeoju, including Yongmunsan Mountain, Cheongsimru Pavilion, and Silleuksa Temple, are included in this handscroll. However, Jeong noted spots that were not often painted and depicted them using an eye-level perspective uncommon for illustrating famous scenic locations. The scenes of Jeong's second boating trip include his friend's villa and a meeting with companions. Moreover, Cheongsimru Pavilion and Silleuksa Temple, which are depicted in the first boating trip, are illustrated again from different perspectives and in unique compositions. Jeong Su-yeong examined the same locations several times from different angles. A sense of realism is demonstrated in the scenes of Jeong's first and second boating trips to the channels of the Hangang River, which depict actual roads. Furthermore, viewers can easily follow the level gaze of Jeong from the boat. The scenes depicting the Imjingang River begin from spots near the Yeongpyeongcheon and Hantangang Rivers and end with places along the waterways of the Imjingang River. Here, diverse perspectives were applied, which is characteristic of Imjingang River scenes. Jeong Su-yeong employed a bird's-eye perspective to illustrate the flow of a waterway starting from the Yeongpyeongcheon River. He also used an eye-level perspective to highlight the rocks of Baegundam Pool. Thus, depending on what he wished to emphasize, Jeong applied different perspectives. Hwajeogyeon Pond located by the Hantangang River is illustrated from a bird's-eye perspective to present a panoramic view of the surroundings and rocks. Similarly, the scenery around Uhwajeong Pavilion by the Imjingang River are depicted from the same perspective. A worm's-eye view was selected for Samseongdae Cliff in Tosangun in the upper regions of the Imjingang River and for Nakhwaam Rock. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's mountain outings include pavilions and small temple mainly. In the case of Jaeganjeong Pavilion on Bukhansan Mountain, its actual location remains unidentified since the pavilion did not lead to the route of the boating trip to the system of the Hangang River and was separately depicted from other trips to the mountains. I speculate that Jaeganjeong Pavilion refers to a pavilion either in one of the nine valleys in Wooyi-dong at the foot of Bukhansan Mountain or in Songajang Villa. Since these two pavilions are situated in the valleys of Bukhansan Mountain, their descriptions in written texts are similar. As for Gwanaksan Mountain, Chwihyangjeong and Ilganjeong Pavilions as well as Geomjisan Mountain in the Bukhansan Mountain range are depicted. Ilganjeong Pavilion was a well-known site on Gwanaksan that belonged to Shin Wi. In this handscroll, however, Jeong Su-yeong recorded objective geographic information on the pavilion rather than relating it to Shin Wi. "Chwihyangjeong Pavilion" is presented within the walls, while "Geomjisan Mountain" is illustrated outside the walls. Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers also includes two small temples, Mangwolam and Okcheonam, on Dobongsan Mountain. The actual locations of these are unknown today. Nevertheless, Gungojip (Anthology of Gungo) by Yim Cheonsang relates that they were sited on Dobongsan Mountain. Compared to other painters who stressed Dobong Seowon (a private Confucian academy) and Manjangbong Peak when depicting Dobongsan Mountain, Jeong Su-yeong highlighted these two small temples. Jeong placed Yeongsanjeon Hall and Cheonbong Stele in "Mangwolam small temple" and Daeungjeon Hall in front of "Okcheonam small temple." In addition to the buildings of the small temple, Jeong drew the peaks of Dobongsan Mountain without inscribing their names, which indicates that he intended the Dobongsan peaks as a background for the scenery. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers is of great significance in that it embodies Jeong Su-yeong's personal perceptions of scenic spots on the outskirts of Hanyang and records his trips to these places.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.24-36
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• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).