• 아태비즈니스연구
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.61-79
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• 2020

Purpose - This article empirically investigated the effects of the socio-political factor of censorship preconditioning, and organizational support, mediating performance expectancy of public sector officials' behavioural intention to utilise social media in a post-communist country, Mongolia. Design/methodology/approach - This study collected 212 survey data from public sector organisations in Mongolia. Using the Partial Least Squire (PLS) method, this study analyzed the proposal model grounded on the UTAUT model. Findings - There are still communist footprints in the form of censorship, which remained as a negative precondition factor, and this has an indirect negative influence, and organisational support mediates to enhance performance expectancy. Effort expectancy and social influence factors have direct positive influence on the use of social media systems in the government domain of Mongolia Research implications or Originality - This study empirically investigated the model of public employees' intention to examine the post-communist countries' cultural, social, economic, and political systems, government organisational environment of the former communist sphere. The cultural factors, censorship and organisational support, to the existing IT adoption UTAUT model were also identified to test the situation of a post-communist country, Mongolia. This study contributes to the new theoretical involvement with social media by testing a new social media-based third-party intercommunication channel, including intent to use in the public service for post-communist countries. This study practically provides the guidelines to promote social media usage for public sector in the post-communist situation.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제28권3호
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

2018년 5월 9일, 61년간 지속되던 말레이시아 집권연합인 국민전선(BN, Barisan Nasional)이 출범 2년차에 불과하던 야당연합인 희망연합(PH: Pakatan Harapan)에 의해 전격적으로 교체되었다. 총선에 출마했던 당사자들 조차 예측하지 못한 야당의 압승이었기에 1957년 독립 이후 최초로 이루어진 정권교체는 그야말로 순식간에 일어났다고 해도 과언이 아니다. 2018년 총선에서 BN의 패배는, 북한과 중국을 제외하고, 현존하는 현대정치체제 중에서 가장 오랫동안 지속되었던 패권적 집권세력의 몰락을 의미하였기에 세계적인 관심을 주목시켰다. 더욱이 이번 총선은 야권의 분열로 말미암아 1998년 개혁정국(reformasi) 이래 꾸준히 성사되었던 여야 간 일대일 대결이 무산되면서 모든 선거구에서 단일 여당 후보와 복수 야당 후보 간의 경선으로 치러졌기 때문에 그 결과는 더욱 놀랍고 충격적이었다. 도대체 어떻게 이런 결과가 일어날 수 있었는가? 특히 20년 가까이 지속된 야권의 공조에도 요원했던 정권교체가 야권의 분열에도 불구하고 이번 선거에서 달성될 수 있었던 동인은 무엇인가? 2018년 총선 결과는 말레이시아의 정치변동과 민주화 가능성에 어떠한 정치적 함의를 제공하는가? 앞으로 말레이시아 정국은 어떤 방향으로 전개될 것인가? 이에 대한 해답을 찾는 과정에서 1998년 개혁정국이 조성된 이후 치러진 일련의 총선들이 말레이시아 정가에서 "쓰나미(tsunami)"의 연속에 빗대어 비유되는 경향이 있음에 주목할 필요가 있다. 이런 쓰나미의 연속이라는 현상은, 비록 학계와 시민사회의 말레이시아 전문가들은 물론이고 정부여당과 야권 내부에서조차도 이번 총선에서의 정권교체 가능성을 예견한 사람은 거의 없었지만, 이번 총선에서의 정권교체가 갑자기 일어난 것이 아니라 지난 20년 간 지속된 말레이시아 유권자들의 선거를 통한 정치변동의 열망과 기대가 축적된 결과이라는 것을 의미한다. 이런 맥락에서, 이 연구는 2018년 총선 결과를 분석함에 있어서 독립 이후 최초로 정권교체가 달성될 수 있었던 특수한 상황적 요인과 함께, 1998년 개혁정국에 의해 촉발된 선거정치의 활성화가 결국 선거권위주의 체제의 붕괴로까지 귀결될 수 있었던 역학관계에 주목한다.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제20권8호
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• pp.19-33
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• 2020

본 연구의 목적은 빅데이터 분석 기법을 이용하여 세종시 건설 계획에 대한 여론 변화를 분석하는 것이다. 연구 자료는 세종시 건설 계획과 관련된 한겨레와 동아일보, 한국일보 등 언론사의 신문기사이다. 세종시 건설 계획은 신행정수도, 행정중심복합도시, 세종시 수정안 등 3개 시기로 구분되었다. 분석 방법은 파이썬과 Gephi 0.9.2 프로그램을 활용한 빈도분석, 감성분석, 사회연결망분석이다. 세종시 건설에 따라 각 신문사의 쟁점에 대한 변화가 있었다. 첫째, 빈도분석 결과, 한겨레의 키워드는 세종시 건설 시기에 따라 찬성-찬성-반대의 특성을 나타내고 있었다. 동아일보는 반대-반대-찬성의 입장을 갖는 것으로 분석되었다. 한국일보는 반대-찬성-반대 경향을 갖는 것으로 분석되었다. 둘째, 감성분석 결과, 각 언론사는 논조의 특성이 변화되고 있었다. 한겨레는 긍정-긍정-부정 논조 특성을 보이고 있었고, 동아일보는 부정 - 부정 - 긍정으로 변화되었다. 한국일보는 부정-긍정-부정으로 변화되었다. 셋째, 사회연결망분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 각 언론사는 세종시 건설 시기에 진보와 보수, 중도 등 정치적, 이념적 특성에 따라 변화를 보이고 있었다. 한겨레는 지역균형발전에 초점을 맞추고 있었으며, 동아일보는 보수의 의견을 대변하고 있었다. 한국일보는 세종시 건설 시기에 여·야가 대립하는 이슈에 대해 부각 시키고 있었다.

• 무역상무연구
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• 제57권
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• pp.3-34
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• 2013

In the international sales contract, long-term contracts often face hardship in fulfilling the original contract terms by relevant parties due to rapid change and uncertainty of political and economic circumstance. In this case, party who faces hardship of fulfillment terminates contract or demands adaptation to contract condition but if opponent doesn't accept this, it proceeds to commercial dispute needing legal interpretation. Generally it is wise to set forth governing law in contract between parties in the case of international contract, for legal stability. One of universal governing law which relevant parties select by agreement to solve economical hardship of fulfillment is PICC. PICC defines the hardship in detail for renegotiation on following hardship of fulfillment unexpected. In the case of failing renegotiation, Court(arbitral tribunal) conducts termination to contract or adaptation to contract condition through arbitration or mediation. In conclusion, when signing international long-term contract, it is desirous to handle dispute effectively by inserting provisions which can deal with economical hardship in contract or defining PICC as governing law in the case of hardship incurred. It is because it is realistic to handle dispute smoothly to the extent that both parties can be satisfied in the case of hardship incurred, though international contract should be fulfilled.

• 환경정책연구
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.1-29
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• 2004

The role of the financial institution to promote corporate sustainability may be reviewed in two angles, as a commercial lender and an investor. As a commercial lender, financial institutions should minimize the legal risks and the political risks. Financial institutions began to recognize environmental risks as legal risks that directly affect their lending practices since the legislation of the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act("Superfund") of the U.S.A. The so-called lender liability rule has a detailed guideline where the financial institutions may be exempted from the Superfund Liability. Similar attempts are noticed in the recent EU White Paper on Environmental Liability. In Korea, comprehensive environmental liability laws are yet to be developed. The Soil Environment Preservation Act now includes a far-reaching environmental liability provisions, where the owners and operators as well as receivers of the facility bear responsibility. However, whether the financial institutions may be captured as a potential responsible party is not very clear. Until the relevant legislation is developed and court decisions accumulate, Korean financial institutions are well advised to raise awareness on this issue, to develop environmental policies and to train personnels.

• 도시과학
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.41-49
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• 2020

This study analyzed the factors affecting economic growth using multiple regression model and Geographically Weighted Regression in consideration of population, industry and employment, housing and political characteristics on economic growth by region. The analysis results are summarized as follows. First, the total employment growth rate, manufacturing employment growth rate, local election turnout and the level of party consensus between the central and local governments are having a positive impact on regional economic growth. Second, according to the GWR analysis, the population has a positive impact on economic growth in the southern region of Korea, and the increase in the total number of employees has a positive impact on the southern region of Gyeonggi Province, Gangwon Province, North Chungcheong Province and North Gyeongsang Province. Finally, the voter turnout of urbanites is positively affecting economic growth in South Chungcheong Province, Gangwon Province and the southern coast, while North Jeolla and South Jeolla provinces have a positive impact on economic growth as the parties of the central and local governments are equal. The results of this study may suggest the role of local government for regional economic development.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.7-25
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• 2013

For the Palestinians, what is the impact of the Arab Spring? The revolution not only dislodged Mubarak from the presidency, but also changed Egyptian policy regarding Palestinians in Gaza. New Egyptian diplomacy has encouraged Hamas and Fatah, which had been in dispute, to seek reconciliation and has loosened the border control on humanitarian grounds. We focus on Palestinian voting attitudes in the wake of the Arab Spring. Despite the vast quantity of literature written about Palestinian politics since the first decade of the millennium, we know little about the determinants of Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The Fatah government, in the West Bank, increased in popularity after submitting a request for UN recognition of Palestinian statehood. In Gaza, the Hamas government lost popularity because of mismanagement but won support through the success of its prisoner swap deal with Israel. However, evaluation of the ruling party does not depend only on one-time events. This research attempts to measure the impact of policy change in Gaza after the Arab Spring. We provide an account of our research on Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments based on two sets of the original survey data conducted in May 2009 and June 2012. The paper sheds light on Palestinian attitudes and makes clear the effects of "democratization" in the Middle East and the effects of regional context factors on the occupied Palestinians.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.20-31
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• 2008

A person's external image is a non-verbal form of communication, through which the person's tastes, mode of thought, preferences, and overall personality is expressed. The dominant factor in building an external image is clothing, since clothing-images provide the most information about a person in the least amount of time. This study aims to investigate the relationship between the clothing- images of women politicians and the improvement of women's social status in Korea, by focusing on changes in clothing-image of female politicians at public functions throughout modern Korean history, and inquiring into the method of classification concerning aforementioned images. The time period of this study starts from 1945, when the first female political party was established, to the 2008 presidential elections. The methodology of this study consists of literature study of related books, theses and journals, which was jointly conducted with empirical study consisting of the research of news photographs of major daily newspapers. This study confirmed the clothing images of women politicians since liberation till 2000's reflects the directions of women's movement and their status in return. It is especially meaningful that the sudden increase of romantic and feminine images among the women politician in Korea is the reflection of the ideas of postmodern feminism which emphasize the acknowledgement of womanhood and the enjoyment of being a woman as its core.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제18권1호
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• pp.30-48
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• 2019

China has initiated a series of "economic sanctions" against South Korea, affecting Korean pop stars visiting China and Korean investments in China. Sanctions were imposed on South Korea in response to the decision of South Korea to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in 2016. Furthermore, the Global Daily assembled local population to boycott Korean products and investments in China. However, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has never positively confirmed these activities as economic sanctions to South Korea related to the THAAD installation. In other words, the Chinese government singled a relatively weak message via these sanctions to South Korea. As a result, the THADD implementation continued in South Korea. In the paper, I interpret China's rationale to impost puzzling economic sanctions, which have a weak resolution, to South Korea and Taiwan. As signaling theory argues, economic sanctions with insufficient resolution, which are more likely to fail, is a more provocative foreign policy. By reviewing China's sanctions usage to South Korea and Taiwan, I propose arguments of bureaucratic competition to answer why China launched such sanctions to other countries: those are caused by domestic institutions who are seeking reward from the Communist Party of China. By comparing shifts of leadership between domestic agencies, the paper provides evidence to support the proposed argument. I also include two alternative explanations to strengthen the proposed argument, albeit connecting the paper with other two larger streams of research, which address analyses of China's aggressive foreign policies as well as the domestic politics of economic sanctions.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제23권1호
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• pp.89-126
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• 2013

The Red shirts came to attract attention of the international community during April to May in 2010 by successfully organizing explosive popular demonstrations. The momentum was the military coup on September 9, 2006. The Red color was chosen amid movements against the new constitution instituted under the military junta. In discourse struggles, the Red shirts compared their resistance against the Democratic Party government lead by Abhisit Vejjajiva to that of phrai (commoner or serfs) against ammart (aristocrats or bureaucrats) under the pre-modern reign of sakdina. The Red shirts strongly accused Prem Tinsulanonda, the chief of the Privy Council, of being a mastermind of 2006 military coup, who symbolically represents the cohesion between the palace and the military. It has constituted an unprecedented defiance towards national taboo where the trinity of Nation, Religion, and King has been consecrated. The objective of this article is to review the Red Shirts' ideology, organizations and activities in terms of the modernized phrai's struggles for expanding counter-hegemony. While Antonio Gramsci focused on why socialist revolution had failed to materialize in capitalist Western Europe, I pay attention to why political liberalism has failed to wash away pre-modernity and take root in capitalist Thailand, applying the Gramscian concept of hegemony by contrasting 'hybrid ammart' with 'modernized phrai'.