• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.63-82
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• 2016

This paper proposes a paradigm for research on broadcast political interviews. Developed using a series of studies, the paradigm introduces core aspects and questions that should be addressed when examining political interviews in a particular society. This paradigm will enable researchers to collect detailed accounts of the interaction between interviewers and interviewees, the structure and tone of the questions posed to interviewees and the interviewees' communicative style when addressing such questions, and the strategies employed by the participants to pursue their goals. It is hoped that the paradigm will encourage the interest and facilitate the study of televised political interviews particularly from the nationally, culturally, and socially diversified Asian countries. Gathering detailed data from non-Western societies in Asia will also facilitate our understanding of the function and effect of political communication from a cross-cultural perspective.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.6
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• pp.385-398
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• 2018

This study aims to explore implications by analyzing voters' behaviors and attitudes of political campaigns & political advertising audience in the 19th presidential election. For this purpose, in-depth interviews with 59 voters who voted in the last election were conducted, and interviewees were allocated by their gender and age. As a result, the motivation to ballot for a candidate was based on the candidates' political affiliations to a party, political inclinations, and election pledges. Voters also determined whom they would vote for after watching the final TV debate. The biggest issue of this election was to create jobs in the public sector, an economical issue. TV was the most trusted medium among the voters, and TV debates had the greatest influence in changing the minds of the voters. Voters thought that Shim, Sang Jung was the best on TV debates and that An, Chul Soo was the worst. Also, voters recalled An, Chul Soo the most among all election posters, but they recalled Moon, Jae In the most out of other political advertisement methods. Therefore, the results elucidated the voters' behaviors and the audience's attitudes in political advertising, and this study provided theoretical and practical implications to be utilized in future presidential election campaigns and political advertising endeavors.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.83-108
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• 2019

This study investigated South Korean citizens' political communication and deliberation through Twitter during the 2014 General Election, focusing on influential opinion leaders' political information behaviors. Individual semi-structured interviews were administered with 13 opinion leaders using the multiple interview modes of email interviews, Skype interview and face to face interviews. Through the analytical lens of the theory of Information Worlds, the chosen social types and social norms of opinion leaders impacted their political information behaviors, including how they assessed, shared, exchanged, or avoided information, and, in turn, created boundaries between and around their information worlds that allowed for both conflict and synergy.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.179-190
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• 2015

This study discusses on the influential factors of satisfaction in communication by focusing on the political communication phenomenon that is revealed in our society. The acts of political communication and its communication satisfaction are examined by exploring individuals' political inclination and their media usage which are the main influential factors of political communication. An interview survey was conducted on a thousand adults over the age of nineteen who are residing in sixteen cities and provinces nationwide. As a result, a high rate of online media usage was observed among people with progressive political inclination. It showed that the political communication acts of 'writing/communicating' which indicates ons actively posting their personal opinions, has a positive influence on communication satisfaction. On the other hand, the usage of offline media was dominant over people with conservative and neutral political inclination. A passive act of 'reading/watching,' which is to observe other people's opinions, was shown by most of the interviewees. Therefore, it was able to discuss that in order for a harmonious flow of political communication among our society, the understanding of citizens' political characteristic must be preceded and the differentiated political communication using media must be raised accordingly.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.66 no.7
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• pp.154-170
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• 2016

The female leadership styles in the 21st century have been established as a major axis. Especially, the fashion of female politicians being exposed to the public during political activities has become a main element of a measure displaying visually female leadership styles in the 21st century and image making as well. Consequently, this study conducted qualitative research through the interview method to figure out regular voters' thoughts in depth about images being required for female political leaders and the fashion maximizing those images, and drew the detailed design elements. Suggesting the clothes design reflecting those elements for female political leaders by 3D virtual clothing works emerging as a new market creating profits related to fashion. The images which female political leaders have to have and were extracted through the interviews in this study, showed as feminine, strong leader, honest, and intelligent images, and also it was shown that female political leaders displaying proper images depending on the circumstances and using those images in politics rather than sticking to a fashion identity were favored by interviewees. The present study intends to contribute to being used as basic data of various research and fashion items of virtual reality and establishment of successful fashion strategy for female political leaders.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.45-68
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• 2005

The political activity of women is relatively low. This is mainly because of the social-cultural attitude that confines women's role to housewives, rather than the structural problems that are related to political activities itself. This study has attempted to enhance the political activities of women by examining and providing the practical informations related to the hardships that are experienced by women who are pursuing a career both as a politician as well as a housewife. The sample of this study consisted of women who are assuming chief executives positions in organizations that are related to political activity, including local representatives of the national assembly. A case study was conducted by interviewing 8 female politicians. The contents of the study mostly consists of the personal situations (related to house lives) of these women. Semi-structured questionnaires were used, and the interview was conducted several times. First, the political careers of these women tended to start passively, rather than voluntarily. Second, the negative attitudes that were initially displayed by the family members and close relatives had changed positively through out the course of time. Close relatives, parents/parents-in-law were likely to become helpers of child care and household labor. The husband was likely to be a supporter of the wife's political career, and the children started to understand the roles of their mother as they grew up. Third, the female politicians perceived that the main impediments of women pursuing political careers were the sexually discriminating culture, rather than their own ability. Fourth, the fact that these women had to spend a lot of time outside the house has worsened the role conflict and difficulties of these women who are required to assume dual-roles. Furthermore, the difficulties that are faced publicly and privately has increased the psychological burdens of these women, since politicians, in general, are people who need to maintain their public image.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.477-491
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• 2015

This study analyzes Chinese dresses featured in propaganda posters since the mid-$20^{th}$ century as well as explores the political characteristics of dress. This study used an in-depth interview method to investigate information from 10 Chinese familiar with public awareness and donning practices of the Chinese from 1949 to present. Interviews and analysis provided the following conclusions. First, Zhongshan-zhuang, Liening-Zhuang and Bulaji were widely worn in the Reconstruction because of the revolutionary spirit; in addition, Huayishang also became simultaneously popular as a means to reflect the new aspects of socialism. Second, Jufu/Junbianfu were the most common dresses during the period of Cultural Revolution because the government used various mechanisms to control public opinion. Third, Western fashion began to enter the Chinese market and suit wearing by the Chinese became a symbol of the Reformation and Open-door policy. Traditional dress is no longer a symbol of Feudalism and is a part of Chinese culture that has been reaccepted in the Reformation and Open-door times. Finally, during these 60 years, Chinese dress has obvious political characteristics, but began to change. The changes of political characteristics were, de-politicization expressed by the introduction of Western ready-made, permissions for traditional dress and diversification/ individualization.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.233-249
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• 2022

Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) is an Islamic social movement that struggles to change the existing political system to the Islamic system. HT argues that all problems in the Muslim world are rooted in adopting secular thought and ideology and the separation between Islam and the state. Hence, HT works to persuade Muslims to abandon that way of life and only apply Islam as the country's only ideology and constitution. HT has spread this narrative since it started in 1953 in Jordan. With this ideological and political attitude, many countries consider HT a threat to their political and community life, suppressing this movement by arresting members and banning the group to reduce or end HT activities in these countries. The Indonesian government has also carried out this repressive policy to limit the influence of Indonesian HTI since 2017. This paper aims to discuss the strategy of Hizb ut-Tahrir to continue its political activities Indonesia after being dissolved by the Indonesian government in 2017. This article used content analysis method to interpret the data collected from interview and documents from Hizb ut-Tahrir. Responding to state repression, HTI sought other methods of action by changing the place of resistance or activities, and by changing its identity.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.159-178
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• 2013

The current study examined the effects of the voters' perception of television news coverage of election poll results on their political participation intention. 700 voters participated in a telephone interview three weeks before the 2012 Korean presidential election. A structural equation modeling with the nationally representative sample was performed. The findings indicate the respondents were more likely to evaluate television news coverage of election poll results negatively when the news coverage presented that the candidate they supported was behind in the race, and the negative evaluation was linked to a greater third-person perception. The third-person perception, in turn, had an indirect effect on political participation intention through negative emotional responses. The results imply that voters' political position influences their perception of the television news coverage of election poll results, and this perception can have indirect effects on political participation.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.1-48
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• 2013

Taking the cases of Korean garment factories in Binh Duong area, this study aims to explain the phases and causes of the wildcat strikes that have rapidly expanded recently in Vietnam. For the purpose, this study raises several questions as follows. Why the strikes sometimes increase and decrease other times? Why the factory workers prefer a wildcat strike even though it is politically risky, unproductive, and complicated? By the same token, why the foreign management cannot or will not preemptively preclude the wildcat strikes that are usually predictable and the workers are mostly able to accomplish their demands? While answering these questions, this study explores the economic, political, and socio-cultural conditions of the wildcat strikes respectively. Based on the fieldwork in around 30 Korean owned garment factories and the interview with around 100 Vietnamese factory workers in Binh Duong, this study confirms several findings on the phases and causes of the strikes in the area in specific and in Vietnam in general. First, the annual trends of the wildcat strikes reflect the macroeconomic conditions in which the consumer prices and the labor market in Vietnamese economy and business conditions in the world economy are pivotal. Second, however, the influence of macroeconomic conditions on both the management and the workers in the garment factories are differential, depending on the financial situations of the multinational corporations and the workers' capability of reproducing their household economies. Thirdly, the possibility of the wildcat strike in each factory is relatively independent on the financial conditions of a factory and rather associated with the stable political structure and active political processes within the factory that enable the management and the workers to efficiently communicate each other. Lastly, the necessity of establishing political stability in a factory arises from the distinctive social and cultural characteristics of the multinational corporation in which foreign managers and native workers inevitably live in separate and different socio-cultural worlds.