• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.207-241
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• 2013

The notion of green growth emerged in 2009. Since then, policy makers and practitioners have largely adopted the term. Although rather intermittently, there have been academic observations on green growth, with the term often being cited as a paradigm and a policy guide for generating new sources of growth. The most important reasons for the surge in green growth today as a new trend and an international agenda item are the rather unsatisfactory results and pitfalls of sustainable development, which has failed at promoting a tangible international environmental principle or a concrete policy framework. Green growth has been proposed as an alternative simultaneously to foster the dynamics of global environmental governance and to reinvigorate the world economy. This study examines to what extent green growth plays a complementary role in existing global environmental governance. Available evidence provides reasonable grounds for arguing that a positive outcome may well be expected from the evolution of green growth architecture and followed by practical policies. It became a global agenda out of a few influential national governments' control. However, decision makers in the leading countries, both developed and developing must be willing to continue implementing what has been discussed and agreed thus far, beyond changes in political leadership and administrations.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.23-39
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• 2019

Assuming that a political party has a strong incentive to gain votes via issue setting as part of its campaign strategy, this study utilized a Web experimental survey to explore the extent to which three issue-related campaign advertising strategies - namely, issue ownership, issue convergence, and issue trespassing - affected voters' perceptions toward parties' issue-handling capabilities. Our empirical results show that issue ownership perceptions exist in Taiwan. In the 2012 Taiwan presidential election, as issue ownership advertisements may reinforce voters' beliefs regarding parties' issue-handling capabilities, issue trespassing advertising may improve a party's image on the disadvantageous issue dimension. At least our data shows that the Kuomintang's (KMT) advertisements have both effects.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.17 no.12
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• pp.35-44
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• 2019

This study analyzes the relationship between OECD DAC aid and recipients' corruption based on the good governance discussion. The study applies a fixed-effect model and PCSE model with a dataset of 43 African countries' corruption perception index, World Bank data, Polity IV, and OECD DAC aid statistics between 2000 and 2014. A statistical analysis confirmed that OECD DAC aid has a negative impact on corruption in African countries. DAC's aid affects negatively to corruption in African countries, especially in countries where democracy has matured. This research suggests that a more comprehensive follow-up study of the OECD DAC's good governance-oriented aid. Simultaneously, the general democratic effect on the recipients' institutions could not be applied in African countries, when considering regional peculiarities.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.29-61
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• 2019

Within the discipline of International Relations (IR), the literatures on global governance (GG) and great power management (GPM) at best ignore each other, and at worst treat the other as a rival or enemy. On the one hand, the GPM literature, like both realism in all its forms, and neoliberalism, takes for granted the ongoing, disproportionate influence of the great powers in the management of the international system/society, and does not look much beyond that. On the other hand, the GG literature emphasizes the roles of smaller states, non-state actors and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and tends to see great powers more as part of the problem than as part of the solution. This paper argues that the rise to prominence of a non-traditional security agenda, and particularly of human security, has triggered a de facto merger of GPM and GG that the IR literature usually treated as separate and often opposed theories. We use the Ebola crisis of 2014-15 to show how an issue framed as human security brought about a multi-actor response that combined the key elements of GPM and GG. The security framing overrode many of the usual inhibitions between great powers and non-state actors in humanitarian crises, including even the involvement of great power military forces. Through examining broadly the way in which the Ebola crisis is tackled, we argue that in an age of growing human security challenges, GPM and GG are necessarily and fruitfully merging. The role of great powers in this new human security environment is moving away from the simple means and ends of traditional GPM. Now, great powers require the ability to cooperate and coordinate with multiple-level actors to make the GG/GPM nexus more effective and sustainable. In doing so they can both provide crucial resources quickly, and earn respect and status as responsible great powers. IGOs provide legitimation and coordination to the GPM/GG package, and non-state actors (NSAs) provide information, specialist knowledge and personnel, and links into public engagement. In this way, the unique features of the Ebola crisis provide a model for how the merger of GPM and GG might be taken forward on other shared-fate threats facing global international society.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.427-449
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• 2015

Network governance can be defined as collaborative process to develop a new socio-political order through civil society centered networking with government and market, and the term 'collaborative governance' can be used in a sense that the basis of governance is collaborative process. In particular, it can be stressed that collaborative governance between regions need double collaborative processes, that is, collaboration between local governments and collaboration between local government and local civil society within a region. Yet, the collaboration as a core element of collaborative governance should not be seen as a pure normativity presupposing confidence and reciprocity, but as a strategy based on competition and antagonism. The normativity implied in the concept of collaborative governance may not realized in actual process, and tends to be mobilized as a rationale for justifying neoliberal strategies. In order to overcome such limits of collaborative governance, the concept of collaborative governance should be reconstructed. This paper suggests that collaborative governance can be seen as hegemonic governing process in a Gramcian sense operating in the government plus civil society, and that, radicalizing Ostrom's concept, it also can be seen as a governing process producing polycentricity by self-regulating subjects. Finally, collaborative governance between regions needs expansion of material basis for economic complementarity and construction of infrastructure as well as a discursive process in order to enhance connectivity between them.

• Korean Journal of Organic Agriculture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.51-73
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• 2021

This study is intended to derive the key issues on vitalization of the governance of rural area development for 6 cities and counties in Chungcheongnam-do where privately entrusted intermediary support organizations have been established and to present their improvement plans of policy. The findings of the study have shown the governance for the case regions is still being characterized with a very formal governance being dominated by the strong administrative initiative and expediency. What have been presented as the improvement plans of policy are as follows: First, core provisions of the ordinances must be strengthened to mandatory regulations, and some ways to check and supplement such as monitoring, policy forums by public-private partnership, etc. are required for the sake of the effective operation of the ordinances. Second, in relation to the bases of competence according to the roles of core governance players, it is necessary to overcome the limitations of job rotation system, align the administrative support systems, expand the functions of a policy committee based on public-private cooperation and operate it effectively in the case of administration, and to strengthen a footing of a civilian community and the perspectives of political incubation in administration and provide support projects contributing to the growth of the corporations in the case of the entrusted corporation, and to align the operating systems of the centers, review the introduction of a system with a full-time center head, continuously provide specialized education and improve the working environment in the case of the support centers.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.63-72
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• 2019

As a sub-concept of corporate or organization governance, business governance and IT governance have become major research topics in academia. However, despite the importance of process as a construct for mediating the domain between business and information technology, research on process governance is relatively inadequate. Process Governance focuses on activities that link business strategy with IT system implementation and explains the creation of corporate core values. The researcher studied the basic conceptual governance models of political science, sociology, public administration, and classified governance styles into six categories. The researcher focused on the series of metamodels. For examples, the traditional Strategy Alignment Model(SAM) by Henderson and Venkatraman which is replaced by the neo-SAM model, organizational governance network model, sequential organization governance model, organization governance meta model, process governance CUBE model, COSO and process governance CUBE comparison model, and finally Process Governance Framework and etc. The Major difference between SAM and neo-SAM model is Process Governance domain inserted between Business Governance and IT Governance. Among several metamodels, Process Governance framework, the core conceptual model consists of four activity dimensions: strategic aligning, human empowering, competency enhancing, and autonomous organizing. The researcher designed five variables for each activity dimensions, totally twenty variables. Besides four activity dimensions, there are six driving forces for Process Governance cycle: De-normalizing power, micro-power, vitalizing power, self-organizing power, normalizing power and sense-making. With four activity dimensions and six driving powers, an organization can maintain the flexibility of process governance cycle to cope with internal and external environmental changes. This study aims to propose the Process Governance competency model and Process Governance variables. The situation of the industry is changing from the function-oriented organization management to the process-oriented perspective. Process Governance framework proposed by the researcher will be the contextual reference models for the further diffusion of the research on Process Governance domain and the operational definition for the development of Process Governance measurement tools in detail.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.35-58
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• 2014

This thesis is about Chungyongkugyongyonui(中庸九經衍義) by HoiJae Lee Eon Jeok (1491~1553). As many know, he was one of the philosophers representing the 16th century who played a great role in making the Zhūzǐ's Neo-Confucianism settle down in Joseon society through the dispute on TaeGeuk (太極) against Cho Han Bo (?~?). He was also the scholar who firmly established the theoretical system of the Idea for Proper Governance (至治主義). The Supplementary Explanation to the Chapters and Phrases of the Great Studies (大學章句補遺) and the Transcript of Nine Annotations on the Middle Way (中庸九經衍義) were written to argue his thoughts of the Idea for Proper Governance shown in the Great Studies (大學) and the Middle Way (中庸). He said that the Great Studies was more specific in the clauses for the justice of training oneself while the Middle Way more detail in the clauses for the justice of governor. That is, he thought that those books were in the relation of the in-and-outside, so that he argued that kings should take both justices of such for governance. Especially the Transcript of Nine Annotations on the Middle Way was written by following the way of the Annotation Transcript of the Great Studies (大學衍義) by Jin Deok Su (眞德秀), a scholar of Song Dynasty and the Supplementary Explanation to the Annotation Transcript of the Great Studies (大學衍義補) in order to make the King MyeongJong of that period realize the Proper Governance of the Two Great Emperors and Three Great Kings of Ancient China, which greatly influenced the Ten Figures of the Studies for the Great Man (聖學十圖) by ToiGye Lee Hwang and the Abstract of the Studies for the Great Man (聖學輯要) by YulGok Lee Yi.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.41-62
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• 2017

The political reformation in Indonesia is a determinant factor of the change in political communications and the roles of media. Currently, the political elites need media support, since it contextually has a significant role. Whoever has a good relationship with the media, will be loved by the public. On the other hand, the media also have a vested interest in the elite in running businesses and building the power of industry. Policies and capital pose a challenge to maintaining the continuity of the media. Independence and control of media are at stake, when the interests of the media and the elite collaborate with each other and then build a benefit on both sides. Meanwhile, the role of social media also cannot be neglected. The Indonesian political communication system is characterized by the presence of social media in a pseudo-relationship between the elite and the public. This paper tries to explain the growing trends of research in the academic environment and the research trends in political practice in Indonesia after the occurrence of post-reformation era in legislative and executive elections. The method used is the meta-analysis of research outcomes of university (dissertations) and secondary data sources. Data processing is done by meta-analysis of secondary data. The results of meta-analysis research indicate that, the objective conditions, in Indonesia, especially the political conditions, stimulate new spaces in communication research. The study of political communication becomes dominant in the academic environment. In addition, communication research is also characterized by a shift from the linear perspective (positivistic paradigm) to the interactive perspective (naturalistic paradigm). On the other hand, the development of politic and governance situations in Indonesia has prompted the establishment of polling agencies that help citizens understand the maps of political power and candidates in general elections and regional head elections.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.210-236
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• 2021

China's Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure connectivity and other projects are presented in much of the discourse as a grand strategy to trap developing nations in debt, to exert asymmetric power and construct a new world economic order. The asymmetric relationship between China and Myanmar might therefore be expected to generate a range of political risks for stakeholders. Myanmar itself presents a "perfect storm" of problems, with dysfunctional governance, civil conflict, under-development and growing economic dependence on China. The Kyaukphyu port project and associated Special Economic Zone in Myanmar's troubled Rakhine state is investigated as a case study of risks on the Belt and Road. While worst case fears China might seize military control of the port appear unlikely, at least in current conditions, empirical observation indicates the complexity on the ground generates an array of other risks - as well as opportunities, should conditions allow. Further, despite challenges and constrained capacity, Myanmar governments have demonstrated agency, including by re-negotiating control and costs of the Kyaukphyu project. The case underlines that conditions are more complicated than simply China's asymmetric power. A sceptical approach is taken to normative discourses in order to build inductive understanding of how stakeholders and local experts perceive dynamics underway. A political risk approach is deployed to develop a framework to identify, analyse and assess risks for actors in relation to the Kyaukphyu project. The research findings are presented on an interim basis, given current constraints on field interviews due to the current crisis.