• Title/Summary/Keyword: policy alternatives

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Asymmetric Changes in Korean Industry and Labor after Economic Crises (경제위기 전후 산업과 노동의 불균형 변화와 미래 전략)

  • Lee, Dong Jin
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.45-81
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    • 2023
  • This paper examines how Korean economy has been asymmetrically changed after economics crises. The three crises during the last three decades, covid19, global financial crisis, and currency crisis, have deteriorated the economic inequalities of Korea in various ways. First, manufacture industry has been affected larger by economic crises, but recovered fast. The shocks in service sector were small but persist longer or were permanent. Second, although the covid19 spreaded out more to the capital area, the negative economic shock was greater in the non-capital region. That is, the crisis in the capital region transferred or amplified to the other region. Third, the inequality between permanent and temporary workers became worse after crises. Fourth, the sluggish small business growth problem became more serious during the covid19. In order to overcome the industrial and labor inequality, it is desirable to government strategy for economic development from focusing on high value-added industry to a balanced growth for all industry and region. To this end, governemt support should be asymmetric. That is, it should focus on indirect support such as regulatory reforms in the high value-added and private-led industries, and, for small business related service sector and non-capital region which have had limited opportunity of renovation and growth, the more active effort of government and government-driven gowth strategy would be desirable.

The Exploration of Intersectoral Convergence of Spatial Information Industry and Forecast of its Market Size (공간정보산업 융·복합부문 탐색 및 시장규모 전망 연구)

  • Kwon, Young-Hyun
    • Journal of Cadastre & Land InformatiX
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    • v.52 no.2
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    • pp.121-135
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    • 2022
  • The purpose of this study is to explore the convergence sector of the spatial information industry based on the business transaction data of spatial information companies and to predict the market size of the industry using the Seemingly Unrelated Regression(SUR) model. The convergence part of spatial information industry, which cannot be identified in the Spatial Data Industry Survey, was analyzed by exploring keywords related to spatial information using the business DB of Korea Enterprise Data (2010-2019). The convergence of spatial information businesses mainly appeared in the business relationship between the value chain between Seoul and Gyeonggi Province. The convergence business has the largest sales in the value chain 2 (utilization, service) & 3 (convergence), and also the convergence in the value chain 1 (production, construction) & 2, 2 & 3 stages has doubled in 2019 compared to 2010. In 2019, the total sales of the spatial information industry based on the Statistical Korea were announced at about 8 trillion won, but in this study, the total sales of the spatial information industry were estimated at 28 trillion won considering convergence activities. Finally, when scenario 1 (0.38% population growth, 2020-2024) and 0.07% (2026-2030) were applied using the SUR model to predict the expected market size of the industry, sales decreased by -0.37% to 0.069% in 2025 and 2030 by respectively. When scenario 2 (average wage growth 1.2%) was applied during the same period, sales in the industry increased by 2.326% to 12.185%. In other words, the sales in the spatial information industry depends on Labor, Total Factor Productivity, and Capital Productivity so it is necessary to additional research on policy development and alternatives of enhancing each productivity.

The Effect of Motivation and Social Support on Burden of Spouse Caregivers: Focused on Gender Differences (배우자 부양자의 부양 동기, 사회적 지지와 부양 부담: 성별 차이를 중심으로)

  • Han, Gyoung-Hae;Lee, Seo-youn
    • 한국노년학
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    • v.29 no.2
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    • pp.683-699
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    • 2009
  • Family caregiving to the elderly is one of the most important social issues in recent Korea. Among various kinds of family caregivers, spouse caregivers particularly constitute a special group, generally characterized by continuous intimate association with the care recipients at many levels and by special commitments and responsibilities associated with the marriage bond. And the number of spouse caregiver is expected to increase in the future. Moreover, since a conjugal relation is consisted of husband and wife, their caregiving experiences and caregiving burden may vary by gender. Thus, the present study was to examine the effect of caregiving experience, especially caregiving motivation and social support focusing on the gender differences. We analysed 「2001 Survey of Care-giving Status and welfare Needs of Older Persons in Korea」 data by performing descriptive statistics, t-test and logistic regression. As a result, we found that the husband was likely to feel more burden when he started caregiving because of few alternatives. For wife caregivers, the less awareness of social support they had, the more possibility of economic burden they felt. With these results, we suggest the necessity of having gender-sensitive perspective in research and policy making for caregivers.

A Study on fostering strategy for Port Equipment industry (스마트항만 구축을 위한 항만장비산업 육성 방안 연구)

  • 김보경;한승훈;안승현
    • Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Navigation and Port Research Conference
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    • 2023.05a
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    • pp.108-109
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    • 2023
  • The purpose of this study is to set a policy that can be specifically promoted according to the recently announced domestic equipment industry fostering strategy, and to suggest a plan that can be implemented. As a plan to foster the equipment industry, a new technology certification system and a new technology test and verification area operation and vitalization plan were set as alternatives. And a survey was conducted on companies conducting R&D to derive specific demand and introduction plans. As a result of the survey, it was found that there was a high demand for the use of new technology certification systems and testing and verification area. Also demonstration in connection with port equipment, testing and evaluation in connection with accredited verification agency, and preparation of dedicated agencies were derived to foster the equipment industry. Based on this, this study suggests a new technology certification system specialized for port equipment was established and a plan to institutionalize. In addition, in connection with the survey results and certification system, the basic functions and roles of the new technology testing and verification area was established. For future activation, incentives with effective certificates such as exemption of certification costs and issuance of performance confirmation certificates are needed, and efficient operation and management through dedicated organization and certification center were suggested.

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A Study on the case of Application of Women's Personnel in the New Zealand Defence Force (뉴질랜드 군 여성인력의 활용과 우리 군에 주는 시사점)

  • In-Chan Kim;Jong-Hoon Kim;Jun-Hak Sim;Kang-Hee Lee;Sang-Keun Cho;Sang-Hyuk Park;Myung-Sook Hong
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.9 no.5
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    • pp.415-419
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    • 2023
  • The New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) began using female manpower from World War II. After making various efforts to secure excellent manpower, the proportion of female manpower has risen to 24%, higher than that of Britain, the United States, Canada and Australia, which have a longer history of female military personnel than New Zealand. This is the result of NZDF efforts to open combat roles to women and allow female personnel to advance to high-ranking military positions such as generals and consular officers. In addition, policy alternatives to address women's realistic concerns such as pregnancy and childbirth, childcare, and vertical organizational culture were presented. In particular, Operation "Respect" was implemented to overcome the problem of not leaving or joining the army due to inappropriate sexual behavior and bullying. The operation respect established the role of the leader, emphasized the support of the victim, and accumulated data of the accident to prevent similar accidents. In addition, through the "Wāhine Toa" program, excellent female manpower could be introduced into the military through customized support considering the military life cycle (attract-recruit-retain-advance) of female personnel. South Korea is also considering expanding the ratio and role of female manpower as one of the ways to overcome the shortage of troops and leap into an advanced science and technology group. Implications were derived from the use of female manpower in the NZDF and the direction in which the Korean military should proceed was considered.

An Inquiry into Dynamics of Global Power Politics in the changing world order after the war in Ukraine

  • Jae-kwan Kim
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.7 no.3
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    • pp.1-26
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    • 2023
  • This article will analyze and forecast important variables and dynamics in global power politics after the war in Ukraine. It tries to use several perspectives to analyze international relations, particularly liberal internationalism and structural realism. In short, core variables are as follows; First, how is the US-led liberal international order and globalization being adjusted? Second, how will the U.S.-China strategic competition, which is the biggest and structural variable, cause changes in the international order in the future? The third variable, how stable are Sino-Russia relations in the context of a structuring U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle? Fourth, to what extent will third middle hedging states outside the U.S. and China be able to exercise strategic autonomy in the face of multipolarization? To summarize, the first of these four variables is the largest basic variable at the global political and economic level in terms of its impact on the international community, and it has been led by the United States. The second variable, in terms of actors, seems to be the most influential structural variable in global competition, and the US-China strategic competition is likely to be a long game. Thus the world will not be able to escape the influence of the competition between the two global powers. For South Korea, this second variable is probably the biggest external variable and dilemma. The third variable, the stability of Sino-Russia relations, determines balance of global power in the 21st century. The U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle, as seen in the current war in Ukraine, will operate as the greatest power variable in not only global power competition but also changes in the international order. Just as the U.S. is eager for a Sino-Russia fragmentation strategy, such as a Tito-style wedge policy to manage balance of power in the early years of the Cold War, it needs a reverse Kissinger strategy to reset the U.S.-Russia relationship, in order to push for a Sino-Russia splitting in the 21st century. But with the war in Ukraine, it seems that this fragmentation strategy has already been broken. In the context of Northeast Asia, whether or not the stability of Sino-Russia relations depends not only on the United States, but also on the Korean Peninsula. Finally, the fourth variable is a dependent variable that emerged as a result of the interaction of the above three variables, but simultaneously it remains to be seen that this variable is likely to act as the most dynamic and independent variable that can promote multilateralism, multipolarization, and pan-regionalism of the global international community in the future. Taking into account these four variables together, we can make an outlook on the change in the international order.

A study on factors causing legislative failure of bills related to democratic citizenship education (민주시민교육 관련 법안의 입법 실패 요인에 관한 연구)

  • Sang-Ho Jeong
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.8 no.1
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    • pp.137-167
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    • 2024
  • This study sought to explain the reasons why the civic education bill failed to be enacted as many as 13 times. What we discovered as a result of our research is, first, the absence of a legislative strategy by the minority member of the national assembly on this bills. The Citizenship Education Bill was a controversial bill with great potential for ideological conflict, and after the 19th National Assembly, this bill was promoted by a minority of a specific political party. The Democratic Party's sponsoring lawmakers did not use active legislative strategies, such as exerting influence within the party to have these bills adopted as the party's platform, or developing them into major pledges for the general and presidential elections. Second, there is a consistent passive response from civic groups as well as lawmakers who signed the bill in an unfavorable public opinion environment. During the legislative process, opposing opinions were overwhelming, including concerns about the spread of leftist ideology, waste of budget and organization, and violation of neutrality and fairness in education. In addition, the passive attitude of field teachers and civic groups, who should be in charge of civic education, also served as a background for the legislative failure. Third, due to a lack of sharing of reliable information on recent theoretical research and global policy trends among stakeholders, legislation through an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties failed.

Health Behavioral Factors Affecting Depression in Patients with Chronic Disease (만성질환자의 우울에 영향을 미치는 보건 행태 요인)

  • Sun-Mee Kim
    • Journal of the Health Care and Life Science
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    • v.10 no.2
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    • pp.305-314
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    • 2022
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of health behavioral factors such as general characteristics, lifestyle and disease characteristics on depression in patients with chronic diseases. To this end, among 7,359 people who participated in the 8th National Health and Nutrition Survey conducted from 2019 to 2020, chi-square test analysis between health behavior factors and depression for 1980 people aged 19 years or older with chronic diseases and no missing values in the basic survey items was performed. After that, binary logistic regression analysis was performed with the factors that were significant as independent variables. As a result of the analysis, depression was 1.49 times higher in women than men (CI: 1.086~2.044), and was 1.828 higher in smokers than in non-smokers (CI: 1.285~2.561). And the higher the income level, the lower the depression. In particular, the odds ratio was 28.034 (CI: 13.132~59.849) in 'not stressful' versus 'very stressed', which had the greatest effect when the intensity of stress was very high. And the influence of subjective health cognition and sleeping hours was also relatively high. This study is meaningful in that it identified the priority of health behavior factors that should be practiced to improve depression in patients with chronic diseases. And since the number of comorbidity was not significant in the occurrence of depression, it would be necessary to identify the extent to which each type of chronic disease affects depression and to suggest policy alternatives tailored to each patient group.

The Effect of Discrimination on Depression in Single-Parent Household Heads (차별경험이 한부모가족 가구주의 우울에 미치는 영향)

  • Kim, Jung-Hee
    • Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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    • v.28 no.3
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    • pp.17-27
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    • 2024
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of discrimination experienced by single-parent household heads and their children on their level of depression. As its sample, the study used data from 1,631 relevant respondents to the 2021 Single-Parent Family Status Survey conducted by the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family. The collected data were analyzed using IBM SPSS, version 25.0, including descriptive statistics, difference verification, correlations, and regression analysis. First, general characteristics were classified as single-parent and family characteristics, health factors, and economic resources, and differences in depression were analyzed accordingly. Among the health factors, health status, frequency of exercise, and methods of alleviating depression were significant. Regarding economic resources, housing type and monthly household income were significant factors. Second, factors influencing the impact of discrimination experiences on depression were analyzed. The results indicated that among health factors, health status was significant. With regard to economic resources, monthly household income, discrimination experiences of household heads, discrimination experienced by children, and overall discrimination experiences were significant. No significant variables were identified among single-parent and family characteristic factors. Therefore, it was evident that health factors and economic resources, as well as discrimination experiences, are important variables that increase depression in single-parent household heads. Based on these findings, corresponding relevant alternatives were suggested.

The lesson From Korean War (한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로-)

  • Yoon, Il-Young
    • Journal of National Security and Military Science
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    • s.8
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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