• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.269-295
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• 1995

This research is concerned with the social division of labor within the traditional industry district: Damyang bamboo ware industry district and Yeoju pottery industry district in South Korea, Damyang bamboo ware and Yeoju pottery are well known of the Korean traditional industry. The social division of labor in an industry district is considered as an important factor. The social division of labor helps the traditional industry to survive today. This summary shows five significant points from the major findings. First, Damyang bamoo ware industry and Yoeju pottery industry have experienced the growth stages until 1945, the stagnation in the 1960s, and the business recovery in the 1980s. Most Korean traditional industries had been radically declined under the Japanese colonization; while, Damyang bamboo ware industry and Yeoju pottery industry district have been developed during above all stages. The extended market to Japan helped the local government to establish a training center, and to provide financial aids and technical aids to crafts men. During the 1960s and 1970s, mass production of substitute goods on factory system resulted in the decrease of demand of bamboo ware and pettery. During the 1980s, these industries have slowly recovered as a result of the increased income per capita. The high rate of economic growth in the 1960s and 1970s was playing an important role in the emerging the incleased demand of the bamboo ware and pottery. Second the production-and-marketing system in a traditional industry district became diversified to adjust the demand of products. In Damyang bamboo ware industry district, the level of social division of labor was low until the high economic development period. Bamboo ware were made by a farmer in a small domestic system, The bamboo goods were mainly sold in the periodic market of bamboo ware in Damyang. In the recession period in the 1960s and 1970s, the production-and-marketing system were diversified; a manufacturing-wholesale type business and small-factory type business became established; and the wholesale business and the export traders in the district appeared. In the recovery period in the 1980s, the production-and-marketing systems were more diversified; a small-factory type business started to depend On subcontractors for a part of process of production; and a wholesale business in the district engaged in production of bamboo ware. In Yeoju pottery industry district, the social division of labor was limited until the early 1970s. A pottery was made by a crafts man in a small-business of domestic system and sold by a middle man out of Yeoju. Since the late 1970s, production-and-marketing system become being diversified as a result of the increased demand in Japan and South Korea. In the 1970s, Korean traditional craft pottery was highiy demanded in Japan. The demand encouraged people in Yoeju to become craftsmen and/or to work in the pottery related occupation. In South Korea, the rapid economic growth resulted in incline to pottery due to the development of stainless and plastic bowls and dishes. The production facilities were modernized to provide pottery at the reasonable price. A small-busineas of domestic system was transformed into a small-factory type business. The social division of labor was intensified in the pottery production-and-maketing system. The manufacturing kaoline began to be seperated from the production process of pottery. Within the district, a pottery wholesale business and a retail business started to be established in the 1980s. Third the traditional industry district was divided into "completed one" and "not-completed one" according to whether or not the district firms led the function of the social division of labor. The Damyang bamboo ware industry district is "completed one": the firm within the district is in charge of the supply of raw material, the production and the marketing. In the Damyang bamboo ware district, the social division of labor w and reorganized labor system to improve the external economics effect through intensifying the social division of labor. Lastly, the social division of labor was playing an important role in the development of traditional industry districts. The subdivision of production process and the diversification of business reduced the production cost and overcame the labor shortage through hiring low-waged workers such as family members, the old people and housewives. An enterpriser with small amount of capital easily joined into the business. The risk from business recession were dispersed. The accumulated know-how in the production and maketing provided flexiblility to produce various goods and to extend the life-cycly of a product.d the life-cycly of a product.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.287-293
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• 1987

The present study was designed to be link a part of the research on the investigation on daily life and consciousness of the longevous people in Korea, and to investigate the health conditions, and the attitude on disease and suffering of longevous people in the past. 1. By the health conditions of longevous people between 40 ana 60 years, 'very good' showed the highest figure of 71.0%, followed by 'ordinary' (21.6%). Consequently it is found that 92.6% of total longevous people surveyed maintained the good health conditions above ordinary. 2. Of the experiences of disease and/or injury after 60 years of longevous people, 'never' showed the highest figure of 74.7%, while 'had' showed the only 22.6% of total longevous people surveyed. 3. Of the details of disease and/or injury after 60 years of longevous people, 'digestive disease' showed the highest figure of 32.6 %, followed by 'apoplexia cerebri & hypertensions' (14.0%) and 'heart disease' (14.0%), and followed by 'respiratory disease' (12.8%). 4. Of the experiences of suffering between 40 and 60 years of longevous people, 'never' showed 55.7% of total longevous people surveyed, while the frequency of suffering decreased in the order of 'once' (22.7%), '2 times' (15. 8%) and '3 times' (4.7%). By the details of suffering between 40 and 60 years of longevous people, 'family life' showed the highest figure of 85. 1%, followed by 'business' (10. 1%). 5. By the attitude on suffering of longevous people, 'tried to forget soon' showed the highest figure of 31.2%, followed by 'continuous worried' (33. 3%), and followed by 'not worried' (7.2%).

• The Journal of Korean Institute of Communications and Information Sciences
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.28-30
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• 1978

Communication actions as a social band or Human community stick (fast) to human being ceaselessly w without stopping everywhere. All of comm. actions can be kept up and developed by the education of its own. Comm. actions have to include a character of social process, and so for it the social science should t to be some essential part of it. Therefore, Comm. education have to be schemed for achieving with a point of view of synthetical s science including technical and social factor. However, recentry Comm. education be suffered to lose of itowns essential attribute and individual i independence becausing to reduce social weight recklessly in their education It is a prindiple that Comm. science is an integrate science being composed of human, social and t technical subdepartments and so comm. education have to obey for Comm. constuctional theory, i international and social claim. Originally in Korea a educational idea and genealogy forming by the comm. scientific theory has I inherited on orthodoxy. But in 1961, communication college that is only the orthodox model of Comm. education, was f forced to close by some reckless policy and then the national administration for the Comm. education h have been weakened, and so recently it’s education became to degenerate as out of genealogy or n nonsystem alike some scattering Family. On the other side, today comm. science make to it’s modern scientific factor and to keep its l integrate level, therefore, all of educational provisions and administration for the telecomm. should t to be supplement to be fit for their plural chatacters. Comm. education have to occupy an individual educational system through the comm. theory, and t then it can be coexisted with neighbour scientific field equally and can include, connect coordinate o or effect its inference in each subfactor organically. Finally, educational system for telecommunication should to be requested as preeedence that i independent field including pluralism must be formed and sufficient autonomy be guarenteed, and s so Comm. education must be to restored its orthodox genealogy and be recovered individual system a and seIfrestraint field, and then it can be accomplished its own duty for nation and society.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.3-33
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• 1971

Nursing of today has as one of its objectives the solving of problems related to human needs arising from the demands of a rapidly changing society. This nursing objective, I believe, can he attained by the appropriate application of scientific principles in the giving of comprehensive nursing care. Comprehensive nursing care may be defined as nursing care which meets all of the patient's needs. the needs of patients are said to fall into five broad categories: physical needs, psychological needs, environmental needs, socio-economic needs, and teaching needs. Most people who become ill have adjustment problems related to their new situation. Because patient teaching is one of the most important functions of professional nursing, the success of this teaching may be used as a gauge for evaluating comprehensive nursing care. This represents a challenge foe the future. A questionnaire consisting of 67 items was distributed to 200 professional nurses working ill direct patient care at Yonsei University Medical Center in Seoul, Korea. 160 (80,0%) nurses of the total sample returned completed questionnaires 81 (50.6%) nurses were graduates of 3 fear diploma courser 79 (49.4%) nurses were graduates of 4 year collegiate nursing schools in Korea 141 (88,1%) nurses had under 5 years of clinical experience in a medical center, while 19 (11.9%) nurses had more than 5years of clinical experience. Three hypotheses were tested: 1. “Nurses had high levels of concept and knowledge toward patient teaching”-This was demonstrated by the use of a statistical method, the mean average. 2. “Nurses graduating from collegiate programs and diploma school programs of nursing show differences in concepts and knowledge toward patient teaching”-This was demonstrated by a statistical method, the mean average, although the results showed little difference between the two groups. 3. “Nurses having different amounts of clinical experience showed differences in concepts and knowledge toward patient teaching”-This was demonstrated by the use of a statistical method, the mean average. 2. “Nurses graduating from collegiate programs and diploma school programs of nursing show differences in concepts and knowledge toward patient teaching”-This was demonstrated by a statistical method, the mean average, although the results showed little difference between the two groups. 3. “Nurses having different amounts of clinical experience showed differences in concepts and knowledge toward patient teaching”-This was demonstrated by the use of the T-test. Conclusions of this study are as follow: Before attempting the explanation, of the results, the questionnaire will he explained. The questionnaire contained 67 questions divided into 9 sections. These sections were: concept, content, time, prior preparation, method, purpose, condition, evaluation, and recommendations for patient teaching. 1. The nurse's concept of patient teaching: Most of the nurses had high levels of concepts and knowledge toward patient teaching. Though nursing service was task-centered at the turn of the century, the emphasis today is put on patient-centered nursing. But we find some of the nurses (39.4%) still are task-centered. After, patient teaching, only a few of the nurses (14.4%) checked this as “normal teaching.”It seems therefore that patient teaching is often done unconsciously. Accordingly it would he desirable to have correct concepts and knowledge of teaching taught in schools of nursing. 2. Contents of patient teaching: Most nurses (97.5%) had good information about content of patient teaching. They teach their patients during admission about their diseases, tests, treatments, and before discharge give nurses instruction about simple nursing care, personal hygiene, special diets, rest and sleep, elimination etc. 3. Time of patient teaching: Teaching can be accomplished even if there is no time set aside specifically for it. -a large part of the nurse's teaching can be done while she is giving nursing care. If she believes she has to wait for time free from other activities, she may miss many teaching opportunities. But generally proper time for patient teaching is in the midmorning or midafternoon since one and a half or two hours required. Nurses meet their patients in all stages of health: often tile patient is in a condition in which learning is impossible-pain, mental confusion, debilitation, loss of sensory perception, fear and anxiety-any of these conditions may preclude the possibility of successful teaching. 4. Prior preparation for patient teaching: The teaching aids, nurses use are charts (53.1%), periodicals (23.8%), and books (7.0%) Some of the respondents (28.1%) reported that they had had good preparation for the teaching which they were doing, others (27.5%) reported adequate preparation, and others (43.8%) reported that their preparation for teaching was inadequate. If nurses have advance preparation for normal teaching and are aware of their objectives in teaching patients, they can do effective teaching. 5. Method of patient teaching: The methods of individual patient teaching, the nurses in this study used, were conversation (55.6%) and individual discussion (19.2%) . And the methods of group patient teaching they used were demonstration (42.3%) and lecture (26.2%) They should also he prepared to use pamphlet and simple audio-visual aids for their teaching. 6. Purposes of patient teaching: The purposes of patient teaching is to help the patient recover completely, but the majority of the respondents (40.6%) don't know this. So it is necessary for them to understand correctly the purpose of patient teaching and nursing care. 7. Condition of patient teaching: The majority of respondents (75.0%) reported there were some troubles in teaching uncooperative patients. It would seem that the nurse's leaching would be improved if, in her preparation, she was given a better understanding of the patient and communication skills. The majority of respondents in the total group, felt teaching is their responsibility and they should teach their patient's family as well as the patient. The place for teaching is most often at the patient's bedside (95.6%) but the conference room (3.1%) is also used. It is important that privacy be provided in learning situations with involve personal matters. 8. Evaluation of patient teaching: The majority of respondents (76.3%,) felt leaching is a highly systematic and organized function requiring special preparation in a college or university, they have the idea that teaching is a continuous and ever-present activity of all people throughout their lives. The suggestion mentioned the most frequently for improving preparation was a course in patient teaching included in the basic nursing program. 9. Recommendations: 1) It is recommended, that in clinical nursing, patient teaching be emphasized. 2) It is recommended, that insertive education the concepts and purposes of patient teaching he renewed for all nurses. In addition to this new knowledge, methods and materials which can be applied to patient teaching should be given also. 3) It is recommended, in group patient teaching, we try to embark on team teaching.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.18 no.3 s.41
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• pp.1-22
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• 2006

The purpose of this study is that I should look for a desirous directions about home economics by studying the requirements and perception of the high school parents who have finished the course of home economics. It was about 600 parents whom I have searched Seoul-Pusan, Ganwon. Ghynggi province, Choongcheong-Gyungsang province, Cheonla and Jeju province of 600, I chose only 560 as apparently suitable research. The questions include 61 requirements about home economics and one which we never fail to keep among the contents, whenever possible and one about the perception of home economics aims 11 about the perception of home economics courses and management. The collections were analyzed frequency, percent, mean. standard deviation t-test by using SAS program. The followings is the summary result of studying of it. 1. All the boys and girls learning together about the Idea of healthy lives and desirous human formulation and knowledge together are higher. 2. Among the teaching purposes of home economics, the item of the scientific principle and knowledge for improvements of home life shows 15.7% below average value. 3. The recognition degree about the quality of home economics is highly related with the real life, and about the system. we recognize lacking in periods and contents of home economics field and about guiding content, accomplishment and application qualities are higher regardless of sex. 4. The important term which we should emphasize in the subject of home economics is family part. 5. Among the needs of home economic requirement in freshman, in the middle unit, their growth and development are higher than anything else, representing 4.11, and by contrast the basic principle and actuality is 3.70, which is lowest among them. 6. In the case of second grade requirement of home economics content for parents in the middle unit young man and consuming life is 4.09 highest. 7. In the case of 3rd grade requirement of economics contents in the middle unit the choice of coming direction and job ethics is highest 4.16, and preparing meals and evaluation is lowest 3.50.

• Journal of Genetic Medicine
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.89-99
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• 2011

Over the years Korean health care system has improved in delivery of quality care to the general population for many areas of the health problems. The system is now being recognized in the world as the most cost effective one. It is covered by the uniform national health insurance policy for which most people in Korea are mandatory policy holders. Genetic counseling service, however, which is well recognized as an integral part of clinical genetics service deals with diagnosis and management of genetic condition as well as genetic information presentation and family support, is yet to be delivered in comprehensive way for the patients and families in need. Two major obstacles in providing genetic counseling service in korean health care system are identified; One is the lack of recognition for the need for genetic counseling service as necessary service by the national health insurance. Genetic counseling consumes a significant time in delivery and the current very low-fee schedule for physician service makes it very difficult to provide meaningful service. Second is the critical shortage of qualified professionals in the field of medical genetics and genetic counseling who can provide the service of genetic counseling in clinical setting. However, recognition and understanding of the fact that the scope and role of genetic counseling is expanding in post genomic era of personalized medicine for delivery of quality health care, will lead to the efforts to overcome obstacles in providing genetic counseling service in korean health care system. Only concerted efforts from health care policy makers of government on clinical genetics service and genetic counseling for establishing adequate reimbursement coverage and professional communities for developing educational program and certification process for professional genetic counselors, are necessary for the delivery of much needed clinical genetic counseling service in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.58-74
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• 2018

This study aims to propose baseline data for designing restoration of Gaobyulup, researching space formation and characteristics of gardens of Gaobyulup, which located in the foot of Cheonmasan Mountain in Namyangju. Gaobyulup is a remain in retirement of Gyulsan Yu-Won Lee, a representative politician, administrator, and tea drinker in late Joseon Dynasty. The results of the research about the shape of Gaobyulup deducted through reference review, poetry and prose analysis, an on-the-spot survey and residents' interview are below: Lee, who used pseudonym as 'Gyulsan,' which menas Jongnamsan Mountain, yearned Mangcheonbyeoreop(輞川別業) by Yu Wang and retirement with a country house operation by Seogye Sedang Park. In the persuit of this ideal, he created and operated a country house in Gaogok of Yangju, which a family burial ground was located. Gaobyulup, which located in Gaogok in the lower part of Cheonmasan Mountain, was largely composed outer and inner gardens, and the area of house operation was started from a stone post of Gaobokji The inner garden of Gaobyulup was including major garden components like buildings, such as Sasihyanggwan, Obaekganjung, Imharyoe and Toesadam, and Chaewon near Haengrangchae, and Gwawon in an backyard. In addition, Younggwijung pavilion, which located 850m away from Gaobyulup, was the another country house inside the Byulup, thus Gaobyulup shows a duplex space formation. In the inner garden of Gaobyulup, there are Sasihyanggwan, which had functions of Sarangchae as library and depository of old paintings and calligraphic works, and Obaekganjung, a small Sarangchae which connected with Sasihyanggwan in the form of a transept. Yusanggoksuger located near Obaekganjung. Additionally, Imharyeo, a library with a tablet of Byeokryowon(??園), which located in the highest point in Byulup, has the functions of a reading room and a tea house. Many Taihu stones were located not only in Toesadam, a square-formed pond with lotus but also many places in the inner gardens. And rare garden plants were planted. These were closely related to the trend of horticulture for pleasure, wealth, and collecting old paintings and calligraphic works for pleasure of Lee. Meanwhile, the area of Younggwijung pavilion, located in Gaocheon stream fall from Byulup to Manhoiam, looks like Wooampok, a enjoying place of other personages, who use their pseudonym as "Oksan" or "Wooam" Lee identifies Wooampok as "Jesampok" and carved 'Gyulsan' s he declared this place is his operating area. Lee built Younggwijung pavilion and planted many peach trees for recreation of utopia. The stone letters of Byukpadongcheon, located in front of a bridge in the foreside of Younggwijung pavilion, seems another enchanted land created in Gaobokji inside. Lee carved Jeilsan in huge rock on the falls rear Manhoiam temple, which Lee did great role of foundation of the temple, so he identifies that this place was the end of the outer garden of Gaobyulup. This study tries to estimate traces of the country house in Gaogok through reference review and on-th-spot survey, and the results from this study are presumed based on site remains only conformed today. It needs to discover second scenary or stone carved letters between Jeilsan and Jesampok. Additionally, exact formation characteristics of Gaobyulup should be identified through excavation survey later. To do so, an interest and a major role of Namyangju-si must be equipped for future restoration of Gaobyulup.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.140-170
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• 2021

This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.