• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.46-59
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• 2023

Various Baekje ground-level building sites have been identified, in Pungnaptoseong Fortress, including Mirae Village's site E-1. However, building site E-1 is the only one with excavated roof tiles that are directly connected to the building site. As for building sites E-2, D-1, and D-2, which are comparable to site E-1, it is very possible that they had tiles on the roof based on their jeoksim (blocking facilities for roof slopes) and building structures. Also, although they are semi-underground pit structures, pit building sites A-30 and modern apartment site A-5, as well as the No.44 remains of Gyeongdang District, which is closer to a ground-level type, the buildings with tiles may have been constructed in the form of partial tile roofs rather than full-face tile roofs. Therefore, there may be several reasons behind the use of tiles on roofs in the early days, but the primary background of the building's authoritative function would have been considered first. Considering that China and Japan started using tiles on nationally important buildings such as palaces, temples, and ritual buildings, it may be presumed that Baekje began using tiles from the time it centralized power. It is believed that Baekje's early roof tile buildings evolved from rudimentary residential architecture to advanced public architecture, taking into consideration fire prevention and structural stability in large buildings. It is difficult to find similar cases in Korea with structural features such as the elevated foundations or underground stone foundations that can be found in Mirae Village building site E-1. Rather, similar architectural techniques can be found in China and Japan. In China, similar construction techniques were discovered in buildings of worship that were primarily built in the palace surroundings, such as Jangan Castle. Based on this, it appears that roof tile building sites, such as site E-1, that have been discovered have a strong correlation with the characteristics of buildings of worship, and ground type buildings, such as sites D-1 and D-2, are important facilities that are related to important public facilities such as state-run warehouses. This provides many implications regarding the early Baekje city structure.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.94-108
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• 2023

Onyanghaenggung Palace(temporary palace at Onyang) is an important cultural heritage that can substantially confirm the king's onhaeng(溫行) base on literature records such as <Ongungyeonggoedae(溫宮靈槐臺)>, <Oncheonhaenggungdo(溫泉行宮圖)> of 『Ongungsasil(溫宮事實)』『, Younggoedaegi(靈槐臺記)』and cultural property such as Yeonggoedae(靈槐臺) and Shinjeong Monument(神井碑). As the Onyang Tourist Hotel is located in the presumed site of the Onyanghaenggung Palace, even the identity of the Onyanghaenggung Palace site is being threatened without restoration efforts. The purpose of this study is to estimate the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace based on <Oncheonhaenggungdo> before the damages during the Japanese colonial period. To achieve these purposes, records related to Onhaeng during successive kings' terms in the Joseon Dynasty are first reviewed, before changes in the architecture of Onyanghaenggung Palace that took place in the Joseon Dynasty and damage suffered during the Japanese colonial period are summarized, and finally <Oncheonhaenggungdo>, <Eupji>, <Ancient Maps>, <Jijeokwondo> are reviewed. Based on these processes, the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace is estimated by comparing the current Onyang Tourist Hotel and the surrounding area. The results of this study are as follows. First, if the 1,758 cheok(尺) of 「Onyanggun eupji」 and 「Hoseo eupji」 are converted in Jucheok(周尺), the scope of Onyanghaenggung Palace is close to the inner circumference of the site(垈) in Jijeokwondo(1914). Second, the streamlet leading to Oncheoncheon(溫泉川) from the southern side of Onyanggwan(溫陽館), the hot spring hole in use of <Distribution Map of Hot Spring(溫泉分布見取圖)>(1925, 1928), and considering the relationship of the inner east gate(內東門), Bigak(碑閣), Sinjeong(神井) of <Oncheonhaenggungdo>, the building of Hermann Gustav Theodor Sander and the Copyright Commission's Onyang Hot Springs photograph can be estimated as the Onyanghaenggung Palace Hot-spring, namely Tangsil(湯室). Third, in the process of developing to amusement park, the transfer and relocation of the Yeonggaedae site(a governmentowned property) was requested by Gyeongnam Railway Company, but Chungcheongnam-do denied transfer and relocation of the Yeonggaedae because of the importance in the history of Onyang Hot Springs, so the government-owned Yeonggaedae Monument site were permanently preserved at the current location together with the hoe tree(Sophora japonica L.). Also, Yeonggoedae in <Tourists Attractions around Gyeongnam Railway in Joseon (朝鮮京南鐵道沿線名所交通図絵)> (1929) is shown to exist in its current location, and it can be seen that the Shinjeong Monument Pavilion was moved to the front of Shinjeonggwan (神井館). Based on the circumference of Onyanghaenggung Palace, the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace Hot Spring (Tangsil) and Yeonggaedae Monument Pavilion, changes in roads and lots of land during the Japanese colonial period and the modern period, as well as the location of Onyanghaenggung Palace and other major buildings, can be estimated to extend to the current Shimin-ro and Onyang Hot Spring Market.

• Journal of Venture Innovation
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.95-109
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• 2020

The source of value-added creation in modern times has been transformed from material to man's value-added generating power, and ownership of the means of production has been converted from a particular landlord, capitalist to a person with value-added capacity, and a system of capital participation is needed beyond the profit-sharing system or performance incentive system in which workers of an enterprise participate in simple profits if they significantly increase the added value of the company. It is also necessary to introduce our private stock system as a means of addressing the problem of capital bias and for the stable development of capitalism. The purpose of Employee Stock Ownership Plans is to improve the economic and social status of workers and promote labor-management cooperation by allowing workers to acquire and hold shares of the stock company in which the employee ownership association is established through the employee ownership association, but the reality is that our stock ownership system has failed to achieve its purpose due to insufficient protection against the employee. In terms of welfare, the acquisition of our company shares should include active government support for the welfare of workers' ownership on a social welfare level rather than on the logic of the capital market, and in terms of investment, it would not be appropriate to apply the regulation for investor protection to see workers' acquisition of our company shares as 'investment' in the view of workers' willingness to own shares on the stock market. Therefore, as a way to support and deregulate employee's stock acquisition, 1. Expanding direct support, such as tax support, 2. As employee's stock ownership association is being discussed as a division's nature, it is less effective in terms of various management, not investment, and 3. Those who own stocks with 1% of the company's shares and 300 million won in face value will be classified as major shareholders. As a way to reduce the risk of management of our company owners and cooperative funds, As a measure to reduce the risk of management of our company owners and cooperative funds, only our employee shareholders' association shall manage the fund in a long-term deposit, and even though our employee's stock is managed by the association or company after the end of the deposit period, the management of each employee shall be allowed and In terms of improving the utilization of our company's stock and fund, 1. Employee's stockholders are prohibited from lending during the deposit period, but it is necessary to improve profitability by allowing them to borrow under strict restrictions, 2. It is necessary to make the use of the employee's welfare funds available for the preservation of losses, and to stipulate the redemption obligations of unlisted companies in order to improve the redemption system of our company.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.46
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• pp.1-32
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• 2023

The purpose of this article is to critically reflect on the 2022 national curriculum on religions. The perspective of this reflection is that since the religious curriculum is meant to be a national curriculum, it should be applicable to all high school students, be shareable, and function as a place for meta-reflection regarding the proper use of the category of religion. For this purpose, I reviewed the form and content of the 2022 curriculum on religions in Section 2. The form of the 2022 curriculum on religions looks similar to the previously utilized curriculum. However, the main change is that the subject of religions was arbitrarily placed into the category of 'subjects for choosing a career.' And the 2022 curriculum on religions has two characteristics in terms of content: the orientation of 'making religious people (spiritual formation)' and the reemergence of the concept of 'pseudo-religion.' In Section 3, I delved into the orientation of 'making religious people through religious reflection' among the characteristics of the 2022 curriculum on religions. In this process, I discovered that the concept of 'reflection as a metacognitive technology,' which was the core of the prior curriculum and school education, was transformed into the concept of 'religious reflection,' and the concepts of spirituality and religiosity were also added. In Section 4, I delved into the dichotomy of 'religion and pseudo-religion.' 'Pseudo-religion' is a new focus in the 2022 curriculum on religions. In this process, I revealed that the concept of 'pseudo-religion' is a combination of an outdated administrative term of the Japanese Government-General of Korea during Japan's occupation of Korea, and as such, the term is inherently value-laden and harmful. I also revealed that determining 'pseudo-religion' in school education regenerates the colonial Japanese Government-General's biased attitudes toward Korean religions and forces teachers to 'invent' (detect or personally appraise) modern day pseudo-religions through arbitrary judgements. The 'curriculum to emphasize religious reflection and detect pseudo-religions in order to create religious people' can distort the subject of religion in the national curriculum as into a 'subject for religion (promotion or degradation).' If this distortion continues, the appropriateness of curriculum on religions existing within the national curriculum will eventually become a subject of debate.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.48
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• pp.375-406
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• 2024

This study aims to define the meaning of 'Sangsaeng (mutual beneficence)' within the context of 'Sangsaeng ecological theory,' a form of discourse of that has emerged from Daesoon Jinrihoe's perspective on ecology. Sangsaeng ecological theory applies the concept of interdependence to ecology in order to explain how Sangsaeng, which is commonly used as an ethical system for humans, can be applied to the realm of ecology such that it extends its scope of application to include non-human beings. Interdependence, when applied to ecology, is formed via relationships between individuals. Such relationships can be positive, negative, or neutral, and the type of interdependence that emerges can be competitive, predatory, parasitc, and symbiotic. Even if the relationship between individuals ends negatively, it can still exert a positive effect on the ecosystem. Consequently, all of these produce a type of 'dependence'. However, relationships that end negatively can generate grievances, and from the perspective of Sangsaeng ethics, this type of interdependence is to be avoided. Therefore, by way of contrast, ecological Sangsaeng may include both relationships of positive interdependence and relationships of predation, parasitism, and competition in so far as there no grievances. Ecological theory requires a perspective that enables an understand of the relationship between nature and humans in an integrated way that does not separate them. One view of universe, known as Cheonji-saengin-yongin (Heaven and Earth give produce humans make use of them) provides insights into the relationship between the universe and humans and nature and humans from an interdependent perspective. Heaven and Earth take humans as the basis of their existence, and only after humans discover the law of nature and the sacredness behind it can a deep interdependence between Heaven and Earth and humans and nature and humans be established. However, as modern humans emerge, the interdependence between Heaven and Earth and humans collapses as they destroy nature and lower the authority of Shindo (divine order). Haewon Sangsaeng (the resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence) and Boeun Sangsaeng (the reciprocation of favors for mutual beneficence) is the solution to reestablish the interdependence that has been disconnected between Heaven and Earth and humans and nature and humans. The practice of Haewon Sangsaeng through Gongbu rituals is the way to restore interdependence between nature and humans. The process of humans achieving Dotong (mastery of the Dao) through religious practices is the practice of Boeun Sangsaeng, and humans will be reborn into Injon (Human Nobility or 'divine humans') with ecological nature and enjoy an eternal interdependent relationship with nature. In summary, Sangsaeng in the context of Sangsaeng ecological theory is the idea and practice of allowing nature and humans to restore their interdependence and live on eternally.

• Journal of the Computational Structural Engineering Institute of Korea
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.225-232
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• 2024

This study focuses on the determination of the fracture mode in composite laminates using deep learning. With the increase in the use of laminated composites in numerous engineering applications, the insurance of their integrity and performance is of paramount importance. However, owing to the complex nature of these materials, the identification of fracture modes is often a tedious and time-consuming task that requires critical domain knowledge. Therefore, to alleviate these issues, this study aims to utilize modern artificial intelligence technology to automate the fractographic analysis of laminated composites. To accomplish this goal, scanning electron microscopy (SEM) images of fractured tensile test specimens are obtained from laminated composites to showcase various fracture modes. These SEM images are then categorized based on numerous fracture modes, including fiber breakage, fiber pull-out, mix-mode fracture, matrix brittle fracture, and matrix ductile fracture. Next, the collective data for all classes are divided into train, test, and validation datasets. Two state-of-the-art, deep learning-based pre-trained models, namely, DenseNet and GoogleNet, are trained to learn the discriminative features for each fracture mode. The DenseNet models shows training and testing accuracies of 94.01% and 75.49%, respectively, whereas those of the GoogleNet model are 84.55% and 54.48%, respectively. The trained deep learning models are then validated on unseen validation datasets. This validation demonstrates that the DenseNet model, owing to its deeper architecture, can extract high-quality features, resulting in 84.44% validation accuracy. This value is 36.84% higher than that of the GoogleNet model. Hence, these results affirm that the DenseNet model is effective in performing fractographic analyses of laminated composites by predicting fracture modes with high precision.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.71-94
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• 1990

This paper reviews the rationale of monetary and banking intervention by an outside authority, either the government or the central bank, and seeks to delineate clearly the optimal limits to the monetary and banking deregulation currently underway in Korea as well as on a global scale. Furthermore, this paper seeks to establish an objective and balanced view on the role of the central bank, especially in light of the current discussion on the restructuring of Korea's central bank, which has been severely contaminated by interest-group politics. The discussion begins with the recognition that the modern free banking school and the new monetary economics are becoming formidable challenges to the traditional role of the government or the central bank in the monetary and banking sector. The paper reviews six arguments that have traditionally been presented to support intervention: (1) the possibility of an over-issue of bank notes under free banking instead of central banking; (2) externalities in and the public good nature of the use of money; (3) economies of scale and natural monopoly in producing money; (4) the need for macro stabilization policy due to the instability of the real sector; (5) the external effects of bank failure due to the inherent instability of the existing banking system; and (6) protection for small banknote users and depositors. Based on an analysis of the above arguments, the paper speculates on the optimal role of the government or central bank in the monetary and banking system and the optimal degree of monetary and banking deregulation. By contrast to the arguments for free banking or laissez-faire monetary systems, which become fashionable in recent years, monopoly and intervention by the government or central bank in the outside money system can be both necessary and optimal. In this case, of course, an over-issue of fiat money may be possible due to political considerations, but this issue is beyond the scope of this paper. On the other hand, the issue of inside monies based on outside money could indeed be provided for optimally under market competition by private institutions. A competitive system in issuing inside monies would help realize, to the maxim urn extent possible, external economies generated by using a single outside money. According to this reasoning, free banking activities will prevail in the inside money system, while a government monopoly will prevail in the outside money system. This speculation, then, also implies that the monetary and banking deregulation currently underway should and most likely will be limited to the inside money system, which could be liberalized to the fullest degree. It is also implied that it will be impractical to deregulate the outside money system and to allow market competition to provide outside money, in accordance with the arguments of the free banking school and the new monetary economics. Furthermore, the role of the government or central bank in this new environment will not be significantly different from their current roles. As far as the supply of fiat money continues to be monopolized by the government, the control of the supply of base money and such related responsibilities as monetary policy (argument(4)) and the lender of the last resort (argument (5)) will naturally be assigned to the outside money supplier. However, a mechanism for controlling an over-issue of fiat money by a monopolistic supplier will definitely be called for (argument(1)). A monetary policy based on a certain policy rule could be one possibility. More importantly, the deregulation of the inside money system would further increase the systemic risk inherent in the current fractional banking system, while enhancing the efficiency of the system (argument (5)). In this context, the role of the lender of the last resort would again become an instrument of paramount importance in alleviating liquidity crises in the early stages, thereby disallowing the possibility of a widespread bank run. Similarly, prudential banking supervision would also help maintain the safety and soundness of the fully deregulated banking system. These functions would also help protect depositors from losses due to bank failures (argument (6)). Finally, these speculations suggest that government or central bank authorities have probably been too conservative on the issue of the deregulation of the financial system, beyond the caution necessary to preserve system safety. Rather, only the fullest deregulation of the inside money system seems to guarantee the maximum enjoyment of external economies in the single outside money system.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.68-81
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• 2014

This study was conducted to identify the spacialty, to illuminate the existence and values of Myeongwoldae(明月臺) and Forest Myeongwol, and to suggest the sustainable usage, preservation and management plans with the purpose of ecological and cultural landscaping characteristic and value identification. The result of the study is as follows. Castle Myeongwol and Port Myeongwol shows the status of Hallim-eup Myeongwol District which is the administrative center of western Jeju as well as is the fortress. Building Wolgyejeongsa and School Woohakdang, the head temple of education and culture, located in Myeongwol District represents the spaciality of Myeonwol-ri which was the center of education. Stand Myeongwol is one of the most representative Confucian cultural landscapes in Jeju Island and the field of communion with nature where scholars enjoy poetries, nature, changgi(Korean chess), and go in the Joseon Dynasty period. It was found that the current relics of Myeongwoldae was recovered through the maintenance project conducted by Youth Group Myeongwol composed with Hongjong-si(洪鍾時) as the center during the Japanese colonial era in 1931. It seems that the stonework of Myeongwoldae composed of three levels in the order of square, octagon, and circle based on the heaven-man unity theory of Confucianism and the octagon in the middle is the messenger of Cheonwonjibang(天圓地方), in other words, between the square-shaped earth and the circle-shaped sky. It is assumed that both Grand Bridge Myeongwol and Bridge Myeongwol were constructed as arched bridges in early days. Bridge Myeongwol is the only arched bridge remaining in Jeju Island now, which has the modern cultural heritage value. In Forest Myeongwol, 97 taxa of plants were confirmed and in accordance with 'Taxonomic Group and Class Criteria of Floristic Specific Plants', eight taxa were found; Arachniodes aristata of FD IV and Ilex cornuta, Piper kadsura, Litsea japonica, Melia azedarach, Xylosma congestum, Richosanthes kirilowii var. japonica, Dichondra repens, Viburnum odoratissimum var. awabuki of FD III. Otherwise, 14 taxa of naturalized plants including Apium leptophylihum which is imported to Jeju Island only were confirmed. In Forest Myeongwol, 77 trees including 41 Celtis sinensis, 30 Aphananthe aspera, two Wylosma congestum, a Pinus densiflora, a Camellia japonica, a Melia azedarach, and an Ilex cornuta form a colony. Based on the researched data, the preservation and plans of Myeongwoldae and Forest Myeongwol is suggested as follows. Myeongwoldae, Bridge Myeongwol, and Forest Myeongwol should be managed as one integrated division. Bridge Myeongwol, an arched bridge which is hard to be found in Jeju Island is a high-standard stonework requiring long-term preservation plans. Otherwise, Grand Bridge Myeongwol that is exposed to accident risks because of deterioration and needs safety diagnosis requires measures according to the result of precise safety diagnosis. It is desirable to restore it to a two-sluice arched bridge as its initial shape and to preserve and use it as a representative local landmark with Stand Myeongwol. In addition, considering the topophsis based on the analysis result, the current name of Jeju Special Self-Governing Province Monument No. 19 'Myoengwol Hackberry Colony' should change to 'Myeongwol Hackberry-Muku Tree Colony'. In addition, the serial number system which is composed without distinction of hackberry and muku tree should be improved and the regular monitoring of big and old trees, specific plants, and naturalized species is required.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.9
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• pp.555-652
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• 1996

Up to the present the scholastic achievements in the history of the medical system have been rather scare despite its importance in the Korean History. Hence, this dissertation attempts to examine the significance of the institute in the Korean History, covering the period from the ancient times through the early Chosun-Dynasty. In the ancient times, the medical practice relied primarily upon human instincts and experiences at the same time, shaman's incantations were widely believed to cure diseases, the workings of evil spirits supposedly. For the period from the Old Chosun through Samhan(巫堂), Chinese refugees brought a long medical knowledge and skills of the continent. New Chinese medicine, traditional practices and incantations were generally used at this time. Medicine and the medical system were arranged by the period of the Three Countries(三國時代). No definite record concerning Koguryo remains now. As for Paekje, however, history shows that they set up the system under the Chinese influence, assigning medical posts such as Euibaksa(medical doctor), Chaeyaksa(pharmacist), and Jukeumsa(medicine man) within Yakbu(department of medicine). Scientifically advanced, they sent experts to Japan, giving a tremendous influence on the development of the science on ancient Japan. After the unification of the three countries, Shilla had their own system after the model of Dang(唐). This system of the Unified Shilla was continued down to Koryo and became the backbone of the future ones. In the ancient time religion and medicine were closely related. The curative function of the shaman was absolute. Buddhism played a notable part in medical practice, too, producing numerous medical monks. The medical system of Koryo followed the model of Dang with some borrowings from Song(宋). Sangyakkuk(尙藥局) was to deal exclusively with the diseases of the monarch whereas Taeeuigam(太醫監) was the central office to handle the national medical administration and the qualification test and education for doctors. In addition, Dongsodaebiwon(東西大悲院), Jewibo(濟危寶), and Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were public hospitals for the people, and a few aristocrats practiced medicine privately. In 987, the 6th year of Songjong(成宗), local medical operations were installed for curing the sick and educating medical students. Later Hyonjong(顯宗), established Yakjom(clinics, 藥店) throughout the country and officials were sent there to see patients. Foreign experts, mainly from Song, were invited frequently to deliver their advanced technology, and contributed to the great progress of the science in Korea. Medical officials were equipped with better land and salary than others, enjoying appropriate social respect. Koryo exchanged doctors, medicine and books mainly with Song, but also had substantial interrelations with Yuan(元), Ming(明), Kitan(契丹), Yojin(女眞), and Japan. Among them, however, Song was most influential to the development of medicine in Koryo. During Koryo Dynasty Buddhism, the national religion at the time, exercised bigger effect on medicine than in any other period. By conducting national ceremonies and public rituals to cure diseases, Taoism also affected the way people regarded illness. Curative shamanism was still in practice as well. These religious practices, however, were now engaged only when medication was already in use or when medicine could not held not help any more. The advanced medical system of Koryo were handed down to Chosun and served the basis for further progress. Hence, then played well the role to connect the ancient medicine and the modern one. The early Chosun followed and systemized the scientific and technical achievement in medicine during the Koryo Dynasty, and furthermore, founded the basis of the future developments. Especially the 70 years approximately from the reign of Sejong(世宗) to that of Songjong(成宗) withnessed a termendous progress in the field with the reestablishment of the medical system. The functions of the three medical institute Naeeuiwon(內醫院), Joneuigam(典醫監), Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were expanded. The second, particualy, not only systemized all the medical practices of the whole nation, but also grew and distributed domestic medicaments which had been continually developed since the late Koryo period. In addition, Hyeminso(惠民局, Hwarinwon(活人院)) and Jesaenwon(濟生院)(later merged to the first) played certain parts in the curing illness. Despite the active medical education in the capital and the country, the results were not substantial, for the aristocracy avoided the profession due to the social prejudice against technicians including medical docotors. During the early Chosun-Dynasty, the science was divided into Chimgueui (acupuncturist), Naryogeui(specialist in scrofula) and Chijongeui (specialist in boil). For the textbooks, those for the qualification exam were used, including several written by the natives. With the introduction on Neoconfucianism(性理學) which reinforced sexual segregation, female doctors appeared for the female patients who refused to be seen by male doctors. This system first appeared in 1406, the sixth year of Taejong(太宗), but finally set up during the reign of Sejong. As slaves to the offices, the lowest class, female doctors drew no respect. However, this is still significant in the aspect of women's participation in society. They were precedents of midwives. Medical officials were selected through the civil exam and a special test. Those who passed exams were given temporary jobs and took permanent posts later. At that time the test score, the work experience and the performance record of the prospective doctor were all taken into consideration, for it was a specialized office. Most doctors were given posts that changed every six months, and therefore had fewer chances for a goverment office than the aristocracy. At the beginning the social status of those in medicine was not that low, but with the prejudice gradully rising among the aristocracy, it became generally agreed to belong to the upper-middle technician class. Dealing with life, however, they received social respect and courtesy from the public. Sometimes they collected wealth with their skills. They kept improving techniques and finally came to take an important share in modernization process during the late Chosun-Dynasty.