• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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• v.35 no.4
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• pp.649-663
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• 2015

This study investigated the current state of writing in research papers of science education with focus on the translationese and basic Korean grammar, and found a way of improving the Korean language. The science education research have characteristics of both social science and natural science, and of having more quantitative than qualitative research, which could influence the writing of the research paper. The translationese means the conventional expression originated from foreign language other than Korean. The basic Korean grammar includes 'agreement,' 'spelling, word spacing, punctuation mark,' 'causative suffix,' 'use of English or loanword,' and the translationese is divided in 'English,' 'Japanese,' and 'English and Japanese.' The sentences in nine research papers in the 'Journal of the Korean Association for Science Education' were analyzed, and the problematic sentences were discussed and provided with alternatives. The cases with high frequency include '-jeok,' 'use of English,' 'expression of the plural,' 'passive voice of the verb with -hada,' '-go inneun,' '-eul tonghayeo,' '-e daehayeo,' 'gajida,' 'genitive case marker -eui,' 'passive voice with subject of thing,' and 'causative suffix, -sikida.' Based on the results, the characteristics of writing of science education research papers were described as 'writing of quantitative research,' 'objective writing of academic research,' and 'writing of research of foreign origin.' In order to improve the writing of research paper of science education, the science education researcher should pay attention to basic Korean grammar and the translationese, and be familiar with the concrete examples of problematic cases. The results of this study could be used in the education of writing and grammar of Korean language.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.23 no.5
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• pp.731-748
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• 2007

In this study, we investigated e kinds and names of side dishes along with their recipes and ingredients occuring in Korean cookbooks published before the 17th century. The side dishes were classified 79 kinds of Guk, 23 kinds of Jjim and Seon, 15 kinds of Gui, 3 kinds of Jeon, 7 kinds of Nureumi, 3 kinds of Bokkeum, 30 kinds of Chae, 11 kinds of Hoe, 7 kinds of Jwaban, 6 kinds of Mareunchan, 12 kinds of Pyeonyuk and 5 kinds of Jeonyak, Jokpyeon and Sundae. The earliest records were found on Guk, Jjim, Jwaban, Po and Pyeonyuk Gui, Namul and Hoe were recorded after the 1500's and Nureumi, Jeon, Jeonyak, Jokpyeon and Sundae were developed relatively late in the late 17th century. As to the kinds of side dishes, Guk was the most common. Guks cooked before the 17th century used different recipes and more types of ingredients than today, including some that are not used today. For Jjim, various seasonings were added to main ingredients such as poultry, meat, seafood and vegetable. Most of the records found for Jjim used chicken as the main ingredient. Gui was recorded as Jeok or Gui and there weren't many ingredients for Gui before the 17th century. Gui was usually seasoned with salt or soy bean sauce and broiled after applying oil. Vegetables were broiled after a applying flour-based sauce. The Jeon cooked at that time was different from the one that is cooked today in that cow organs or sparrows were soaked in oily soy bean sauce before being stewed. Nureumi, which was popular in the 17th century, but rarely made today, was a recipe consisting of adding a flour or starch-based sauce to stewed or broiled main ingredients. Chae was a side dish prepared with edible plants, tree sprouts or leaves. Chaes like Donga and Doraji were colored with Mandrami or Muroo. Hoe was a boiled Hoe and served after boiling seafood. Jwaban was cooked by applying oil to and then broiling sparrows, dudeok, and mushrooms that had been seasoned and dried. For dried Chans, beef or fish was thin-sliced, seasoned and dried or sea tangle was broiled with pine nuts juice. There are some recipes from the 17th century whose names are gone or the recipes or ingredients have changed. Thus we must to try to rebuild three recipes and develop recipes using our own foods of today.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.30-42
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• 2008

1. Objectives This paper was tried to find out the clinical use of Gwanjung-tang by comparing patients' chief complain and natural symptom. 2. Methods The study was researched as clinically with medical records of 88 patients who visited a certain oriental medicine clinic which is in Seoul during January, 2000 and June, 2006. 3. Results 1) The male patient who was treated with Gwanjung-tang(寬中湯) is rare. The rate of patients who visited clinic in her forties is 27.3%, in fifties is 18.2%, in thirties is 15.9%, in sixties is 12.5%, in twenties is 10.3%. 2) Chief complain which made patients to visit clinic is a chest pain(19.3%), back pain and shoulder pain (15.9%), edema (12.5%), headache (9.1%), irregular menstruation (8.0%), dyspepsia (8.0%), fatigue (8.0%), insomnia (5.6%), menopausal disorder (4.5%), lumbago (4.5%), abnormal condition of stools (2.3%), and abnormal condition of urine (2.3%). 3) Natural symptom is classified into appetite, digestion, stools, urine, sweat, and sleep. The rate of patients who complained abnormal condition of digestion is 71.6%, of sleep is 59%, of stools is 52.3%, of urine is 47.7%, if sweat is 34.1%, and of appetite is 30.7%. 4) The rate of patients who is treated with Gwanjung-tang between thirty and forty packs is 43.2%, twenty packs is 39.7%, between fifty and sixty packs is 5.7%, between seventy and eighty packs is 2.3%, and between ninety and hundred packs is 3.4%. 5) The rate of patients who is treated with Gwanjung-tang during 15 days is 45.5%, between 16 and 30 days is 26.2%, between 31 and 60 days 7.9%, between 61 and 90 days 3.4%, between 91 and 120 days is 4.5%, and more than 120 days is 12.5%. 6) There are not many cases that chief complain was abnormal condition of digestion (8.0%), sleep (5.6%) stools (2.3%), and urine (2.3%). But the rate of patients who complained discomfort of digestion(71.6%), sleep(59%) stools (52.3%), and urine (47.7%) is significantly high. 7) According to "Sasang Sin Pyeon", Gwanjung-tang was used in To-sa-gwak-ran (吐瀉藿亂), Hae-su (咳嗽), Jeok-chui (積聚), Pyo-han -bu-jong (表寒浮腫), Chang-man (脹滿), Chil-gi (七氣), Dam-um (痰飮), Dam-goe (痰塊), Seom-jwa-yo-tong (閃挫腰痛), Bi-tong (臂痛) of Soeumin, and it is corresponds with clinical cases for various components. 4. Conclusions Gwanjung-tang is a medicine of reconciliation, and it makes Stomach to be warm and take down Yin Qi. The most important effect of Gwanjung-tang is Sun-qi(順氣). So it is considerable that Gyejibanhasenggang-tang (少陰人 桂枝半夏生薑湯), Hyangsayangwi-tang (少陰人 香砂養胃湯), and Gwakhyangjunggi-san (少陰人 藿香正氣散) is also effective to symptoms above, because these are medicines of reconciliatio.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.5
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• pp.209-229
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• 1996

The purpose of this study is to investigate the recognition of "Jung Pung(中風)" mentioned in "Jae-Byoung-Won-Hu-Ron(諸病源候論)" The conclusion would be summerized as follows. 1. "Pung Byoung(風病)" is a symptom that man was damaged by "Pung Chi(風氣)", which is a wide meaning inclusive of cloudiness of conscious, apasia and the limbs disorder of "Jung Pung(中風)", "Bi 痺symptom", "Yeuk Jeil Pung(歷節風)", the skin disease, psychopathy and leprosy. 2. In cause of "Jung Pung(中風)", this book was received the theory of invasion of "Pung Sa (風邪)" from outside claimed in "Nae Kyoung(內經)", "Kum Gaeu Yo Rak(金?要略)", but in a viewpoint of "Hyel Chi(血氣)", "Young Yui(營衛)" and "Bi Yui Heo Sil(脾胃虛實)", especially, insists on the weakness of "Bi Yui(脾胃)" function. 3. In the pathology of "Jung Pung(中風)", there was a recognition that symptoms appear following each "Jang Bu(臟腑)" invaided and changed by a way of "Kyoung Rak Jang Bu(經絡臟腑)", because "Pung Sa(風邪)" invades the space of the skin, disturbs the circulation of "Hyel Chi(血氣)" in a inner and isn't given out in a outer. 4. Thereare, , , , , in the symptoms of "Jung Pung(中風)" and ", , , , , , in the similar symptoms of "Jung Pung(中風)". 5. The principle of treatement is "getting sweating, helping the insufficent energy and diminishing the sufficent energy", but the presciption isn't mentioned and "Do-in Method(導引法)" was recorded after each symptom because of taking a serious view of "Bo-Yang-Sun-Do(補養宣導)" 6. The prognosis of "Jung Pung(中風)"is suggested in a view of pulse diganosis, symptoms and is bad in case of appearance of no sweating, rigidity, vomitting a bubble and apasia.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.130
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• pp.247-276
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• 2014

The purpose of this paper is to explore how Zhang Zai(張載)''s Gi-Hak(氣學) and Wang Shou-Ren(王守仁)''s Sim-Hak(心學) are interrelated, which differs from prior positions viewing the two as separate, unrelated philosophies or ones standing in contrast to each other. By direct comparing the notions Tae-Heo(太虛) and Yang-Ji(良知), I tried to explain that ontological structures of Gi-Hak and Sim-Hak are interrelated ; and by comparing Dae-Sim(大心) and Chi-Yang-Ji(致良知), I made an argument that Gong-Bu-Ron(工夫論) of Gi-Hak and Sim-Hak corresponds to each other. Zhang Zai''s the doctrine of Tae-Heo can be seen as a respond to Jeok-Myeol-Ron(寂滅論) in Buddhism ; therefore, understanding Sim-Hak in terms of Gi-Hak, that is, interpreting the fundamental meaning of Yang-Ji as Tae-Heo, can free Yang-Myeong-Sim-Hak(陽明心學) from the unceasing criticism by Ju-Ja-Hak(朱子學) that it is a 'Buddhistic heresy'. This study could be highly significant in that it enables us to read the tradition of Zhang Zai not only from the viewpoint of u-Ja-Hak, but even from ang-Myeong-Sim-Hak tradition. I interpreted Yangming School of Mind as a developmental succession of Neo-Confucianism, and understood Zhang Zai''s Gi-Hak as a theoretical pioneer of Wang Shou-Ren''s Sim-Hak.

• Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.79-95
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• 2021

This study aims to develop a restoration model of an armillary sphere of Tongcheon-ui (Pan-celestial Armillary Sphere) by referring to the records of Damheonseo (Hong Dae-Yong Anthology) and the artifact of an armillary sphere in the Korean Christian Museum of Soongsil University. Between 1760 and 1762, Hong, Dae-Yong (1731-1783) built Tongcheon-ui, with Na, Kyung-Jeok (1690-1762) designing the basic structure and Ann, Cheo-In (1710-1787) completing the assembly. The model in this study is a spherical body with a diameter of 510 mm. Tongcheon-ui operates the armillary sphere by transmitting the rotational power from the lantern clock. The armillary sphere is constructed in the fashion of a two-layer sphere: the outer one is Yukhab-ui that is fixed; and the inner one, Samsin-ui, is rotated around the polar axis. In the equatorial ring possessed by Samsin-ui, an ecliptic ring and a lunar-path ring are successively fixed and are tilted by 23.5° and 28.5° over the equatorial ring, respectively. A solar miniature attached to a 365-toothed inner gear on the ecliptic ring reproduces the annual motion of the Sun. A lunar miniature installed on a 114-toothed inner gear of the lunar-path ring can also replay the moon's orbital motion and phase change. By the set of 'a ratchet gear, a shaft and a spur gear' installed in the solstice-colure double-ring, the inner gears in the ecliptic ring and lunar-path ring can be rotated in the opposite direction to the rotation of Samsin-ui and then the solar and lunar miniatures can simulate their revolution over the period of a year and a month, respectively. In order to indicate the change of the moon phases, 27 pins were arranged in a uniform circle around the lunar-path ring, and the 29-toothed wheel is fixed under the solar miniature. At the center of the armillary sphere, an earth plate representing a world map is fixed horizontally. Tongcheon-ui is the armillary sphere clock developed by Confucian scholars in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the technical level at which astronomical clocks could be produced at the time is of a high standard.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.34 no.5
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• pp.495-507
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• 2019

This study investigates the Gabo Jaedong Jemuljeongnyechaek, which is the recording of the darye executed over a period of a year in 1834 ($34^{th}$ year of reign by King Sunjo) in the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty, two years after the death of Princess Bokon, the $2^{nd}$ daughter of King Sunjo. Accordingly, we examined the types of darye (tea ceremonies) and the characteristics of the composition of foods at ancestral rites of the royal families of Joseon. Moreover, we also analyzed the cooking methods and characteristics of food terminologies used in the darye. This includes 39 categories of food and ingredients used for tea ceremonies held for one year, on behalf of the deceased Princess Bokon in 1834. The darye for the monthly national holiday was held along with the darye on the $1^{st}$ and the $15^{th}$ day of every month. The darye for rising up and the birthday darye were held on May $12^{th}$ and October $26^{th}$ of the lunar calendar, being the anniversaries of the death and the birth of Princess Bokon, respectively. The birthday darye and the darye for New Year's Day, Hansik ($105^{th}$ day after winter solstice), Dano ($5^{th}$ day of the $5^{th}$ month of the lunar calendar), and Thanksgiving "Chuseok" were held in the palace and at the burial site of the Princess. During the darye for rising up in May and the Thanksgiving darye at the burial site in August, rituals offering meals to the deceased were also performed. The birthday darye at the burial site of Princess Bokon featured the most extensive range of foods offered, with a total of 33 dishes. Foods ranging 13~25 dishes were offered at the national holiday darye, while the darye on the $1^{st}$ and the $15^{th}$ of the month included 9~11 food preparations, making them more simplified with respect to the composition of foods offered at the ceremony, in comparison to the national holiday darye. The dishes were composed of ddeok, jogwa, silgea, hwachae, foods such as tang, jeok, jjim, hoe, and sikhae, and grain-based foods such as myeon, mandu, and juk. Foods offered at the burial site darye included 12~13 dishes comprising ban, tang, jochi, namul, chimchae, and jang. Meals offered at the darye had a composition similar to that of the daily royal table (sura). Darye recorded in the Jemuljeongnyechaek displayed characteristics of the seasonal foods of Korea. Jemuljeongnyechaek has detailed recordings of the materials, quantities, and prices of the materials required for preparations of the darye. It is quite certain that Jemuljeongnyechaek would have functioned as an essential reference in the process of purchasing and preparing the food materials for the darye, that were repeated quite frequently at the time.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.35-58
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• 2014

This thesis is about Chungyongkugyongyonui(中庸九經衍義) by HoiJae Lee Eon Jeok (1491~1553). As many know, he was one of the philosophers representing the 16th century who played a great role in making the Zhūzǐ's Neo-Confucianism settle down in Joseon society through the dispute on TaeGeuk (太極) against Cho Han Bo (?~?). He was also the scholar who firmly established the theoretical system of the Idea for Proper Governance (至治主義). The Supplementary Explanation to the Chapters and Phrases of the Great Studies (大學章句補遺) and the Transcript of Nine Annotations on the Middle Way (中庸九經衍義) were written to argue his thoughts of the Idea for Proper Governance shown in the Great Studies (大學) and the Middle Way (中庸). He said that the Great Studies was more specific in the clauses for the justice of training oneself while the Middle Way more detail in the clauses for the justice of governor. That is, he thought that those books were in the relation of the in-and-outside, so that he argued that kings should take both justices of such for governance. Especially the Transcript of Nine Annotations on the Middle Way was written by following the way of the Annotation Transcript of the Great Studies (大學衍義) by Jin Deok Su (眞德秀), a scholar of Song Dynasty and the Supplementary Explanation to the Annotation Transcript of the Great Studies (大學衍義補) in order to make the King MyeongJong of that period realize the Proper Governance of the Two Great Emperors and Three Great Kings of Ancient China, which greatly influenced the Ten Figures of the Studies for the Great Man (聖學十圖) by ToiGye Lee Hwang and the Abstract of the Studies for the Great Man (聖學輯要) by YulGok Lee Yi.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.44 no.5
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• pp.716-724
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• 2015

Trienzyme extraction coupled with microplate assay (Lactobacillus casei subsp. rhamnosus) was validated and applied for the determination of folate (vitamin B9) in Korean ancestral rite foods. Foods included five Guk (Tang), eleven Sookchaes, eight Jeoks, nine Jeons, six Jjims, and twenty desserts. Folate was detected in all samples: Guk (Tang) 4.62~18.84, Sookchae 6.13~48.40, Jeok 5.49~49.50, Jeon 6.96~30.77, Jjim 10.34~38.88, and desserts $3.33{\sim}49.55{\mu}g/100g$. The lowest folate content was observed in Sikhye ($3.33{\mu}g/100g$), whereas the highest was observed in Songhwa-dasik ($49.55{\mu}g/100g$). Folate analyses of certified reference materials, BCR-121 (whole meal flour) and BCR-487 (pig liver), showed good recoveries of 90.0% (0.45 mg/kg) and 92.4% (12.3 mg/kg), respectively. The recoveries (96.0 to 106.2%) obtained by analyzing eight spiked samples with different matrices also showed good accuracy. Both repeatability and reproducibility were less than 5%, indicating good precision. The quality control chart (n>30) obtained by running commercial folate fortified-wheat flour once a week for about 10 months showed that all assays were under control. All validation method and analytical quality control results showed that folate contents in Korean ancestral rite foods produced by microplate assay were reliable enough to be used for the construction of a national folate database.

• Journal of Haehwa Medicine
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.547-594
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• 2000

I. Introduction The essence of Oriental medicine consists of ancient books, experienced doctors and succeeded skills of common society. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. $\ll$DangDaeMyeongIImJeungJeongHwa(當代名醫臨證精華)$\gg$ written by SaWoogWang(史宇廣) and DanSeoGeon(單書健) has many medical experience of famous doctors. So it has important historical value. Bi(痺) means blocking. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. So I studied ${\ll}BiJeungJuJip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision Following decisions of Chinese doctors of 20th century are as follows ; 1. JuYangChun(朱良春) emphasized on IkSinJangDok(益腎壯督) to treat BiJeong. And he devided WanBi(頑痺) as PungHanSeup(風寒濕), DamEo(痰瘀), YeolDok(熱毒), SinHeo(腎虛). He used insects for medicine. 2. ChoSuDoek(焦樹德) introduced past prescription. He used ChiBiTang(治痺湯) to treat HaengBi(行痺), TongBi(痛痺), ChakBi(着痺). He insisted that Han(寒; coldness) and Seup(濕; dampness) be Eum(陰) and Pung(風; wind) can change his character to be Eum. After all BiJeung is usually EumJeung. So he used GaeJi(桂枝) and BuJa(附子). By the way he used ChungYeolSanBiTang(淸熱散痺湯) for YeolBi, BoSinGeoHanChiWangTang SaBok(王士福) emphasized on the importance of medicine. He introduced many treatments like CheongYeol(情熱) for YeolBi and YiO(二烏) for HanBi. And he divided BiJeung period for three steps. At 1st step, we must use GeoSa(祛邪), at 2nd step, we must use BuJeong(扶正) and at 3rd step, we must use BoHyeol(補血), he insisted. And he introduced many herbs to treat BiJeung. 4. JeongGwangJeok(丁光迪) said that GaeJi(桂枝), MaHwang(麻黃), OYak(烏蘖) and BuJa(附子) are very important for TongRak(通絡). And pain usually results from Han(寒), so he liked to use hot-character herbs. 5. MaGi(馬志) insisted that BiJeung usually result from ChilJeong(七情). And he liked to use insects for treatment of BiJeung. 6. WeolSeokMu(越錫武) introduced 8 kinds of treatments and divided BiJeung period. Also he divided BeJeung for PungBi(風痺), HanBi(寒痺) and SeupBi(濕痺). 7. SeoGeaHam(徐季含) observed many patients and concluded that 86.7% of BiJeung is HeuJeung(虛症). 8. YuJiMyeong(劉志明) said that YeolBi is important and CheongYeol is also important. So he emphasized on DangGyuiJeomTongTang(當歸拈痛湯) and SeonBiTang(宣痺湯). 9. WangLiChu(汪履秋) studied cause of WanBi. Internal cause is GiHyeolHeo(氣血虛) and GanSinHeo(肝腎虛) and external cause is SaGi(邪氣) he insisted. 10. WangSaSang(王士相) said that YeolBi can be SeupYeolBi or EumHeuYeolBi(陰虛熱痺) and HanSeupBi(寒濕痺) is rare. He use WooBangJaSan(牛蒡子散) and BangPungHwan(防風丸) for SeupYeolBi, DangGyuiSaYeokTang(當歸四逆湯) for HanSeupBi. 11. JinTaekGang(陳澤江) treated YeolBi with BaekHoGaGyeJiTang(自虎加桂枝湯) and SaMyoSan(四妙散). If they don't have effect, he tried to cure BiJeung step by step. And he used e term of GeunBi(筋痺) and BangGiMogwaEIInTang(防己木瓜薏苡仁湯) was good for GeunBi. 12. MaSeoJeong(麻瑞亭) said that PungSeupYeokJeul(風濕歷節) is BiJeung and it is related to GanBinSin(肝脾腎; liver, Spleen, Kindey). And he emphasized on balance WiGi(衛氣) and YoungHeul(營血). 13. SaJeJu(史濟桂) said that GeunGolBi(筋骨痺) is similar to arthritis and sometimes called ChakBi. And SinBi(腎痺) is terminal stage of ChakBi, he said. He also used insects for treatment. 14. JeongJeNam(丁濟南) tried to cure SLE and used GyeJi, CheonCho(川椒), SinGeunCho(伸筋草), SunRyeongBi(仙靈脾), HyconSam(玄蔘) and GamCho(甘草). 15. JinGYungHwa(陳景和) emphasized on diagnosis of tongue. If the color of tongue is blue, it usually has EoHyeol(瘀血), for example. And he also used insects. 16. JuSongI(朱松毅) tried to devide YeolBi with OnByeong(溫病), Wi(衛), Gi(氣) and Hyeol(血). 17. RuDaBong(蔞多峰) said that JyeongHeo(正虛), OiSa(外邪) and EoHyeol are closely related. And he explained BiJeung by deviding the body into the part, for example head, neck, shoulder, waist, upper limb and lower limb. 18. YuMuBo(劉茂甫) defined PungHanSyubBi as chronic stage and YeolBi as acute stage.