• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.301-311
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• 1990

The agriculture of Korea was begun in the neolithic era partly and generalized around 4,000 B.C. Discovery of acorn and stoneworks used in agriculture in neolithic era in 8,000 B.C to 6,000 B.C suggests that prehistoric ancestors of Korean night use acorn, hazel-nuts, and haws, etc. as foods. Cultivation of chestnuts, peaches, plums, pears, and japanese apricots was found in Mahan, the tribal states, and in the period of three kingdoms and Balhae dynasty too. In the period of Koryo, pears, plums, japanese apricots, pine nuts, apricots, grapes, jujubes, gingko nuts, oranges, and citrons were cultivated and used in diet. Sejongsilrokjiriji(1454), a geography of the early chosun, and Sinjungtonggukyojisungnam(1492) show that they cultivated almost all fruits we are now cultivating such as hazel-nuts, haws, nutmeg nut, and so on. Loquats seem to be brought in the early chosun era and figs around 16th century. Pecans, sweet cherries were brought around 1,900 and recently tropical fruits like kiwis were brought in and used in a large scale. In addition, Some fruits were used in medical treatments. Fruits increase the pleasure of the diet and sometimes they are used as a measure of a standard of living. Fruits have been improved and used for a long time, their status in our diet will be maintained resolutly.

• Journal of Korea Water Resources Association
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• v.46 no.8
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• pp.807-819
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• 2013

This study proposes a new methodology for future water balance projection considering climate change by assigning a weight to each scenario instead of inputting future streamflows based on GCMs into a water balance model directly. K-nearest neighbor algorithm was employed to assign weights and streamflows in non-flood period (October to the following June) was selected as the criterion for assigning weights. GCM-driven precipitation was input to TANK model to simulate future streamflow scenarios and Quantile Mapping was applied to correct bias between GCM hindcast and historical data. Based on these bias-corrected streamflows, different weights were assigned to each streamflow scenarios to calculate water shortage for the projection periods; 2020s (2010~2039), 2050s (2040~2069), and 2080s (2070~2099). As a result by applying the proposed methodology to project water shortage over the Korean Peninsula, average water shortage for 2020s is projected to increase to 10~32% comparing to the basis (1967~2003). In addition, according to getting decreased in streamflows in non-flood period gradually by 2080s, average water shortage for 2080s is projected to increase up to 97% (516.5 million $m^3/yr$) as maximum comparing to the basis. While the existing research on climate change gives radical increase in future water shortage, the results projected by the weighting method shows conservative change. This study has significance in the applicability of water balance projection regarding climate change, keeping the existing framework of national water resources planning and this lessens the confusion for decision-makers in water sectors.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.151-167
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• 2016

Conventional social science typically regards the idea of a 'mountain' as part of 'nature' and a physical environment existing separately from, or prior to, human society and culture. However, in Korea, which is 70% mountainous land, the 'mountain' is part of a unique 'social nature'. This research develops the idea that in this context the mountain is a social nature and a cultural landscape which are tied heavily to the idea of travel. The article interrogates why the scenic beauties of Mt. Kumgang have been perceived and conveyed through multiple generations since the Chosun Dynasty period. Focusing on Mt. Kumgang, this article illustrates how strongly people have held dreams of mountain travel, for the whole life-time. Travel writings(or accounts of trips to the mountain) and artwork have played a particularly important role in creating Mt. Kumgang's reputation as the most beautiful mountain in the country. At the same time, the access to the mountain was often a dangerous adventure, with many travelers facing hunger and extreme physical challenges. As portrayed in writings and artwork, the overall effect of these dynamics was the creation of a socionatural place of striking beauty that even seemed to have mystical or magical fantasy. According to Confucian ideals, full appreciation of nature and its beauty was key to understanding the logics of the universe and to achieving a high moral standard, which contributed to decide to leave for the mountain as well. The essays, poems, and paintings of Mt. Kumgang since the Chosun Dynasty period that portrayed the mountain's beauty collectively served to produce the mountain as a socionatural landscape engendered with potent place-myths, important historical meaning, and strong aesthetic associations. Thus, the travel to the mountain seemed never completed over until travelers had completed various artistic representations to record and to memorize what they'd done and seen in Mt. Kumgang, which had been performed for the strong purpose of social sharing of the real the mountain's beauties and itinerary.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.1-15
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• 2015

Based on the analysis and interpretation of the headwords and poetic words of a group of eleven collecting sceneries of Jeonju, the origin and transformations of the Jeonju-Palkyung(Eight sceneries of Jeonju) investigated by a time-series analysis are as follows. As there is no collection of landscape with a formal structure similar to that of the current Jeonju-Palkyung, prior to the Palkyung by Chujae(秋齋) Cho Soo-Sam(趙秀三, 1762~1849), there is no significant problem in assuming the eight poems in Chujaejib(秋齋集) are the origins of the Jeonju-Palkyung, and it is estimated to have been produced in 1829. In the late-19th century poem 'Wansanseunggyeong(完山勝景)', 'the Palkyung in Yeollyeo Chunhyang Sujeolga', and 'the Palkyung delivered by poet Shin Seokjeong in the Japanese colonial era', only the 'Dongpogwibeom(東浦歸帆)' changed from Dongjipo to Dongchon of Bongdong as for 'Landscape Setting There($L_{ST}$)' according to changes in district administration; despite this change, the fact that they are not too different from the Palkyung of Cho Soo-Sam, also supports this. Moreover, according to the headword concordance analysis, it is proven that the Jeonju-Palkyung was established in the late-19th century and continued to be the region's representative sceneries even during the Japanese colonial era, and later 'Namcheonpyomo(南川漂母)' and 'Gonjimangwol(坤止望月)' were added to expand to the Jeonju-Sipkyung(ten sceneries of Jeonju). But when we see there are famous spots that are the origins of the Jeonju-Sipkyung, including Gyeonggijeon, Geonjisan, Jogyeongdan, Omokdae, and Girinbong, Deokjinyeon, and Mangyeongdae, all of which have great representational significance as the capital of Jeolla Provincial Office as well as of the place of origin for Joseon Dynasty in the grouping of sceneries during the early Joseon Dynasty, including "Paehyangsipyeong (沛鄕十詠)", "Gyeondosipyeong (甄都十詠)", and "Binilheonsipyeong(賓日軒十詠)", the beginnings of the semantic Jeonju-Palkyung should be considered up to the first half of Joseon Dynasty. During this period, not only the fine sceneries with high retrospective merit as the capital of Hubaekje, like Gyeonhwondo(甄萱都), but also the sceneries like Mangyeongdae that reminds people of Jeong Mongju(鄭夢周) and Yi Seonggye(李成桂) in the late period of Goryeo appeared, elevating the status of Jeonju as the capital of Hubaekje and shortening the historical gaps as the place of origin of the Joseon Dynasty. The Jeonju-Palkyung is an organic item that carries the history of the Joseon Dynasty after Hubaekje and has gone through many cycles of disappearing and reappearing, but it has continued to change and transform as the region's representative sceneries. The Jeonju-Palkyung is a cultural genealogy that helps one understand the 'Jeonju Hanpunggyeong(韓風景: the sceneries of Korea in Jeonju)', and the efforts to preserve and pass it down to the next generation would be the responsibility of the people of Jeonju.

• Journal of Haehwa Medicine
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.547-594
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• 2000

I. Introduction The essence of Oriental medicine consists of ancient books, experienced doctors and succeeded skills of common society. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. $\ll$DangDaeMyeongIImJeungJeongHwa(當代名醫臨證精華)$\gg$ written by SaWoogWang(史宇廣) and DanSeoGeon(單書健) has many medical experience of famous doctors. So it has important historical value. Bi(痺) means blocking. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. So I studied ${\ll}BiJeungJuJip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision Following decisions of Chinese doctors of 20th century are as follows ; 1. JuYangChun(朱良春) emphasized on IkSinJangDok(益腎壯督) to treat BiJeong. And he devided WanBi(頑痺) as PungHanSeup(風寒濕), DamEo(痰瘀), YeolDok(熱毒), SinHeo(腎虛). He used insects for medicine. 2. ChoSuDoek(焦樹德) introduced past prescription. He used ChiBiTang(治痺湯) to treat HaengBi(行痺), TongBi(痛痺), ChakBi(着痺). He insisted that Han(寒; coldness) and Seup(濕; dampness) be Eum(陰) and Pung(風; wind) can change his character to be Eum. After all BiJeung is usually EumJeung. So he used GaeJi(桂枝) and BuJa(附子). By the way he used ChungYeolSanBiTang(淸熱散痺湯) for YeolBi, BoSinGeoHanChiWangTang SaBok(王士福) emphasized on the importance of medicine. He introduced many treatments like CheongYeol(情熱) for YeolBi and YiO(二烏) for HanBi. And he divided BiJeung period for three steps. At 1st step, we must use GeoSa(祛邪), at 2nd step, we must use BuJeong(扶正) and at 3rd step, we must use BoHyeol(補血), he insisted. And he introduced many herbs to treat BiJeung. 4. JeongGwangJeok(丁光迪) said that GaeJi(桂枝), MaHwang(麻黃), OYak(烏蘖) and BuJa(附子) are very important for TongRak(通絡). And pain usually results from Han(寒), so he liked to use hot-character herbs. 5. MaGi(馬志) insisted that BiJeung usually result from ChilJeong(七情). And he liked to use insects for treatment of BiJeung. 6. WeolSeokMu(越錫武) introduced 8 kinds of treatments and divided BiJeung period. Also he divided BeJeung for PungBi(風痺), HanBi(寒痺) and SeupBi(濕痺). 7. SeoGeaHam(徐季含) observed many patients and concluded that 86.7% of BiJeung is HeuJeung(虛症). 8. YuJiMyeong(劉志明) said that YeolBi is important and CheongYeol is also important. So he emphasized on DangGyuiJeomTongTang(當歸拈痛湯) and SeonBiTang(宣痺湯). 9. WangLiChu(汪履秋) studied cause of WanBi. Internal cause is GiHyeolHeo(氣血虛) and GanSinHeo(肝腎虛) and external cause is SaGi(邪氣) he insisted. 10. WangSaSang(王士相) said that YeolBi can be SeupYeolBi or EumHeuYeolBi(陰虛熱痺) and HanSeupBi(寒濕痺) is rare. He use WooBangJaSan(牛蒡子散) and BangPungHwan(防風丸) for SeupYeolBi, DangGyuiSaYeokTang(當歸四逆湯) for HanSeupBi. 11. JinTaekGang(陳澤江) treated YeolBi with BaekHoGaGyeJiTang(自虎加桂枝湯) and SaMyoSan(四妙散). If they don't have effect, he tried to cure BiJeung step by step. And he used e term of GeunBi(筋痺) and BangGiMogwaEIInTang(防己木瓜薏苡仁湯) was good for GeunBi. 12. MaSeoJeong(麻瑞亭) said that PungSeupYeokJeul(風濕歷節) is BiJeung and it is related to GanBinSin(肝脾腎; liver, Spleen, Kindey). And he emphasized on balance WiGi(衛氣) and YoungHeul(營血). 13. SaJeJu(史濟桂) said that GeunGolBi(筋骨痺) is similar to arthritis and sometimes called ChakBi. And SinBi(腎痺) is terminal stage of ChakBi, he said. He also used insects for treatment. 14. JeongJeNam(丁濟南) tried to cure SLE and used GyeJi, CheonCho(川椒), SinGeunCho(伸筋草), SunRyeongBi(仙靈脾), HyconSam(玄蔘) and GamCho(甘草). 15. JinGYungHwa(陳景和) emphasized on diagnosis of tongue. If the color of tongue is blue, it usually has EoHyeol(瘀血), for example. And he also used insects. 16. JuSongI(朱松毅) tried to devide YeolBi with OnByeong(溫病), Wi(衛), Gi(氣) and Hyeol(血). 17. RuDaBong(蔞多峰) said that JyeongHeo(正虛), OiSa(外邪) and EoHyeol are closely related. And he explained BiJeung by deviding the body into the part, for example head, neck, shoulder, waist, upper limb and lower limb. 18. YuMuBo(劉茂甫) defined PungHanSyubBi as chronic stage and YeolBi as acute stage.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.375-384
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• 2010

We tried to establish the history of outbreaks and control methods of 'hwangchung' in Joseon Dynasty, uncovering the biological reality of the 'hwangchung' (called hwang or bihwang) analyzed through the Database program on 'the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty' and 'the Emollment of Haegoeje', two of the finest examples of classical historical records. The total number of articles on the outbreak of the hwangchung is 261 in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty and 65 in the Emollment of Haegoeje. There were four peaks by hwangchung throughout the Joseon Era. Among them, the periods of King Taejo to King Sejong had the highest incidence. By comparing the number of records of the hwangchung from the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty with that in the Emollment of Haegoeje during the same period, results show the former was less than the latter, 35 vs 65. However, both records were relatively inconsistent with each other. Insect pests in forests as well as in agriculture were included in the biological identities of the hwangchung in the Joseon Dynasty periods, which is in accordance with those of Saigo's. The taxonomic identity could be confirmed in only 25 cases (9.5%) among the articles on hwangchung. It largely coincided with Paik's opinion: II in armyworm, nine in moth larva, one in rice stem borer, two in migratory locust, one in planthopper and one in rice-plant weevil. Therefore, it is not reasonable to regard hwangchung as a migratory locust or grasshopper only. The number of reports on the occurrence of hwangchung in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty was 173 (66% of the total) and 47% of them were just simple reports, which means the report itself on the appearance of hwangchung was very significant. The reports on controlling insect pests were of low frequency, in 20% (34 cases) of the total reports, capturing insect pests or holding traditional ceremony called 'Poje'. Among them, only one case related to the treatment of seeds to prevent the damage by hwangchung was published in the King Sejong period. There were 37 discussions about changes and management of government policies due to disasters by hwangchung. They were mostly about relief or tax cut to the people who suffered damage and about cancellation of recruiting people to military training, constructing castles, and so on. It seems that not only the people but also the king was influenced by the hwangchung. In the case of King Seongjong, he referred to the stress of the prevention measure of locusts in 10 articles. The damage also had an effect on abdication in the reign of King Jeongjong.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.72-87
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• 2018

This study highlights a drainage gate and a ditch, which existed around the whole area of the western shore of Wolji Pond(月池) and focuses on a possible connection between the drainage facility on the western shore and the historical drainage system of Wolji Pond. Specifically, it primarily considered locations and the form of a drainage gate, the relationship between northwestern ditch of Wolji Pond and the drainage gate, and the establishment period and the character of the drainage facility on the western shore. The drainage gate found in excavation in 1975 is determined as the same facility as Surakgu(水落口) recorded on an actual measurement drawing, 1922. Therefore, it is highly probable that there were already the drainage facility in the western shore of Wolji Pond before the 1920s. The drainage gate constructed by processing rectangular stones has four drainage holes for controlling water level. The way of the drainage through the drainage holes is the same as that of the northern shore of Wolji Pond. From a cadastral map drawn in 1913, it is found that the ditch existed in northwest of Wolji Pond. The ditch was proximate to the drainage gate and shared the same axes. Hence, the ditch and the drainage gate are determined as a organic facility connected to the drainage system of Wolji Pond. In particular, the ditch existed in northwest of Wolji Pond is the basis for judging that the drainage facility in the western shore were established before the 1910s. Water flowed in through drainage holes of the drainage gate is drained into the northwest of Wolji Pond, through the ditch. The establishment period and the intention of the drainage facility on the western shore can be interpreted in two aspects. First, they might be 'a agricultural irrigation facility in the Joseon era', given that Wolji Pond was recorded as a agricultural reservoir, and that the whole northwestern area of Wolji Pond was used as farm land areas. Second, they might be 'a drainage facility for controlling the water level in creating Wolji Pond', given that the drainage gate was annexed to the lower shore forming the waterline of Wolji Pond, and that the hight of drainage holes on top of the drainage gate was similar to the full water level of Wolji Pond. Considering the related grounds and circumstance, the latter possibility is high.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.104-121
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• 2017

The present study attempted to produce the floor plan of the surroundings near Geumcheongyo Bridge in Changdeokgung Palace of the Late Joseon Period through the use of rubber sheeting transformation based on the drawing principles of "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)". First, the study compared the actual sizes of the major buildings that have existed since the production of "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)" with the sizes depicted in the picture to reveal that the front elevation of the buildings was produced by reducing it by approximately 1/200. However, the study could not confirm the same production proportions for the side elevation. Only the lengths of the side elevation were depicted at around half of the actual proportions, and as the diagonal line angles were found to be at an average of $39^{\circ}$, the study confirmed they were drawn in a manner similar to cabinet projection. Second, the study created an obliquely projected floor plan by inversely shadowing the drawing principles of "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)" and produced a floor plan of the surroundings near Geumcheongyo Bridge in Changdeokgung Palace through the use of rubber sheeting transformation. Projective transformation was confirmed as most suitable during the transformation, and with standard error of 2.1208m, the relatively high accuracy of the transformation shows that the production of a floor plan for "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)" is significant. Furthermore, it implies the possibility of producing floor plans for various documentary paintings produced using the paralleled oblique drawing method in addition to "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)". Third, the study evaluated the accuracy of the spatial information provided by the produced floor plan by comparing the three items of Geumcheongyo Bridge location, Geumcheongyo Bridge and Jinseonmun Gate arrangement, and Geumcheon stone embankment location. The results confirmed the possibility of utilizing the floor plan as a useful tool which helps understand the appearance of the surroundings at the time of "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)" production because it is parallel to the excavation results of the Geumcheongyo Bridge and its context. Therefore, the present study is significant in that it seeks the possibility of producing spatial information recorded in "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)" by applying rubber sheeting transformation and consequently in that it presents a new methodology for understanding the appearance of the East Palace of the Late Joseon Period.

• Journal of Korea Water Resources Association
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• v.51 no.spc
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• pp.1091-1103
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• 2018

Having knowledge regarding to which region is prone to drought or flood is a crucial issue in water resources planning and management. This could be more challenging when the occurrence of these hazards affected by climate change. In this study the future streamflow during the wet season (July to September) and dry season (October to March) for the twenty first century of South Korea was investigated. This study used the statistics of precipitation, maximum and minimum temperature of one global climate model (i.e., INMCM4) with 2 RCPs (RCP4.5 and RCP8.5) scenarios as inputs for The Precipitation-Runoff Modelling System (PRMS) model. The PRMS model was tested for the historical periods (1966-2016) and then the parameters of model were used to project the future changes of 5 large River basins in Korea for three future periods (2025s, 2055s, and 2085s) compared to the reference period (1976-2005). Then, the different responses in climate and streamflow projection during these two seasons (wet and dry) was investigated. The results showed that under INMCM4 scenario, the occurrence of drought in dry season is projected to be stronger in 2025s than 2055s from decreasing -7.23% (-7.06%) in 2025s to -3.81% (-0.71%) in 2055s for RCP4.5 (RCP8.5). Regarding to the far future (2085s), for RCP 4.5 is projected to increase streamflow in the northern part, and decrease streamflow in the southern part (-3.24%), however under RCP8.5 almost all basins are vulnerable to drought, especially in the southern part (-16.51%). Also, during the wet season both increasing (Almost in northern and western part) and decreasing (almost in the southern part) in streamflow relative to the reference period are projected for all periods and RCPs under INMCM4 scenario.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.240-255
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• 2016

In many cities in the East and West during the modern period, historical resources were perceived as obstacles to urban development and were treated as deficiencies calling for development. Korea underwent a process of drastic urbanization and industrialization almost unprecedented in modern history. In this process of turmoil, cities expanded rapidly and went through a series of changes. City development followed a repeated cycle in which resources were concentrated in the city area, which, in turn, led to further development. However, such method of development is reaching its limits. In order to make a city desirable for living, it is crucial to make an effort to build a sustainable city environment where life and history coexist harmoniously. It is now time to consider how to carry forth sustainable development in the city where the past, present, and future coexist. If so, how will the future of our cities look and the form of housing change? To answer this question, we examined Urban Hanok Residential Areas and Hanyangdoseong neighborhood village, which went through rapid changes in the modern period. The Hanok, which was a commonplace sight in the past, has been perceived as an underdeveloped form of housing, easily targeted for redevelopment only a few years ago; so was the case with Hanyangdoseong neighborhood village. Yet now these are being revalued as sustainable housing areas able to coexist with the history of the city. That is, through restoration, their potential of contributing to the history and identity of the city is gaining recognition. In this regard, it holds great implications for us to look at the changes that traditional Korean housing areas and castle villages have undergone.