• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.393-408
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• 2009

The drastic growth of transnational marriage since the mid-1990s has been a new challenge to Korea. This article aims to provide a comprehension of new ethnicity by focusing on transnational marriage migration in Korea. A steep increase of foreign brides from China and Southeast countries such as Vietnam and the Philippines can be understood in terms of globalization from below. In this context, Korean trend is similar to Taiwan and Japanese ones. But, there are also some differences between them. The inflow of foreign brides has been gradually weakened since 2005 in Korea, as Taiwan has experienced since 2003. In the ratio of foreign brides among total marriage in Korea, rural area show in average two-fold higher than urban areas. However, most foreign brides have settled down in urban areas in aspect of absolute number. Korean Chinese wives most densely concentrate in urban area, followed by Chinese wives, Nevertheless, there are significant differences among foreign brides' residential areas with their nationalities. In this point, the geography of new ethnicity with foreign brides in Korea is likely to be a multi-dimensional space.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.39
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• pp.219-240
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• 2015

The following summarized argument is the comparative research of the characteristics of automatic techniques demonstrated in the mixed expression of foreign language and Korean language in Lee Sang's poetry. Our research examines the use of foreign languages such as French and English shown in Lee Sang's poems, and then, recognized the characteristics of the automatic techniques demonstrated by the parallel marks and signs of Korean language. The automatical technique's element that Lee Sang made use of is a language of loanblend, consisting of free use of French, English, Japanese and Korean. The mathematical and geometric figures such as numbers and shapes can be seen as an important poetic language. In Lee Sang's poetry, the French words "AMOUREUSES" and "ESQUISSE" and English words "I WED A TOY BRIDE" are considered as parts of Korean language. The use of foreign language is seen by the readers as encodes of a unacquainted language and it provides rhetorical characteritstics that gives off profanatory feeling about the poetry. The poet is seen to have created a new poetic language that excess the standards of the limitations that Korean and Chinese marks have through the application of polysems and poliphonyic effects that foreign languages have. The mathematical and geometric signs are Lee Sang's special experimental elements that can't be seen in other literary poetries. They are conversational and the requirements for the expression of abstract artistry and esthetics. The language used in his poetry are external to those traditional poetic languages and they mix freely with other poetic elements to become an automatic technique used in the writing. Lee Sang's techniques can be considered as the pursuit of defiance and departure, freedom about literature and artistry. Moreover, the avant-garde expressionism is the literary form that demonstrated the sense of inferiority, nervousness and loneliness risen from physical pain and the abnormal relationship with women in the poet's personal life. The technique shows the longingness of the the Western culture and literature that lay dormant in the poet's consciousness and it is also the expression of ingenious that created the new guide in the Korean poetic literature, exceeding the European surrealism. Lastly, the automatic technique images that are demonstrated by the mixture of the foreign languages and Korean language are the creations of an innate poetic language and poetic literature that can't be imitated by anyone in Korean literature.

• Child Studies in Asia-Pacific Contexts
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.95-105
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• 2015

We developed a test of English silent word reading, following work by Mather, Hammill, Allen and Roberts (2004) and Bell, McCallum, Krik, Fuller, and McCane-Bowling (2007), in order to tap Hong Kong Chinese children's reading of English as a foreign language. We created one subtest of individual word reading and another of word reading contextualized within sentences; together, these tests require no more than 10 minutes for administration. In Study 1, we administered the entire test to 552 second grade Hong Kong Chinese children between the ages of 70 and 121 months old, from five different primary schools. The association between the subtests of English silent word reading and contextual reading was positively correlated (.78). In Study 2, 77 Hong Kong Chinese second graders were tested on our newly developed English silent word reading test, together with non-verbal IQ, an English word reading and a Chinese character recognition test (both read aloud). With age and non-verbal IQ statistically controlled, there was a significant correlation between English silent word reading and the more standard English word reading, read aloud, (.78); the association between English silent word reading and Chinese character recognition was also positively correlated (.49). This newly created test is a quick and reliable measure, suitable for both educators and researchers to use to identify poor readers who learn English as a foreign or second language.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.363-377
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• 2012

Most of the wedding shops in the domestic market are more focusing on simply copying the designs of foreign wedding dress designers than making their own designs. Beyond the purpose of how to improve the wedding dress designs which is what other previous studies were aiming, this study goes deeper than that, concentrating on separate designing of dress for a wedding celebration and a rehearsal with photo shoots. Add to this, the study also differentiates itself from others in the past, investigating how to make a gown that hides a bride's physical shortcomings. For this study, the researcher studied the literature in terms of theoretical review, and conducted the empirical research through the photo analysis of 2,725 wedding dresses which brides really wore according to domestic brides' body shapes, their images, and situations. The researcher designed 8 wedding dresses for wedding ceremony and rehearsal shooting for brides with thick arms or wide shoulder under the concept of 'Romantic Story in Your Heart'. The wedding dress's image types for photo analysis were limited to the romantic type, the elegance type, the modern type, and the classic type. The researcher applied the empire-silhouette, the one-shoulder neckline, the raglan sleeves, the cap sleeves, and the shoulder accessories to the wedding dress designs judged as effectively making up defects in body shape and making nice images as well as other design factors seen from the analysis result.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.277-308
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• 2010

Since the globalization, many changes are occurring in our society. Multicultural phenonmenon in the society is becoming one of our major concern in the Korean society. Thus, this study is focusing on the multicultural phenomenon that we are facing since the globalization in Korea. No doubt that immigration is a growing force influencing the demographics of Korea. Since the mid-1990s, immigrant children and children from mixed marriage have become the fastest growing and the most extraordinarily diverse segment of Korea's child population. Until the recent past, Korea's major social attention has focused on adult immigrants to the neglect of their offspring, creating a profound gap between the strategic importance of the new second generation and the knowledge about its socioeconomic circumstances. In other words, there is a significant lack of studies on children of migrant, particularly from the Muslim background living in Korea. International marriage has grown rapidly in Korea since the late 1990s, and this phenomenon is especially common in rural farming communities. Most brides come from China, followed by Vietnam and other southeast Asian countries. However, there are certain number of Muslim bride coming to Korea. There are about 100 thousand muslim peoples living in Korean society. Among them 2.92% are Muslim immigrants' intermarriage with the Koreans. As a result, there are growing number of muslim brides and bridegroom settling in Korea, which would eventually create muslim families in growing korean multicultural societies. This study specify its research on the muslim mixed family by focusing on the offsprings of the muslim background. Our research team has created the new term on such research subject by using Koslim. Koslim is a 1.5 and 2^nd generation from the Muslim back ground family living in Korea. Thus, the objective of this study is to examine the awareness and the perception of Koslim by the Korean mainstream people. By doing so, it can analyze the general attitude of Koreans towards the Koslim people. In this sense this study intends to play a groundwork to promote successful coexistence between Korean and Koslim. It is anticipated that this research can lay the basis for Koreans to have more open and tolerant attitude towards our new members of society that is increasing everyday.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.10
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• pp.63-80
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• 1986

The Old Testament cotains mention of the history of creation and clothing in ancient Hebrew. This study dealt with Hebrew dress customs especially aimed at the manners of their hair styles, headgears, footwear and personal ornaments. References are Korean Revised Version, English King James Version and Revised Standard Version. There is little mention of hair styles and headgears in the Old Testament. Some sort of turban was worn by priests, and soldiers protected themselves with helmets, but most Israelitish men went bareheaded except on special occasions and often wear simple headbands. It was more common for women to use headwear of some type-turbans, scarves, and veils concealing the face. The veil was the distinctive female wearing apparel. All females, with the exception of maidservants and women in a low condition of life, wore a veil. It was the custom for women to wear a veil entirely covering their head in the public. Through most of the Old Testament periods long and thick hair was admired on men and women alike. The Hebrews were proud to have thick and abundant long hair, and they gave much attention to the care of their hair. The caring of hair was deeply related to their rituals. Nazirites never took a razor to their hair during his vow-days, but instead let it grow long, as an offering to God. Men would not cut their beards, but allow them to grow long. The Israelites' standard footwear was a pair of simple leather sandals. This was one of the items of clothing not highly prized. In a colloquial saying of the time, a pair of shoes signified something of small value, and to be barefoot except in times of mourning or on holy place, was a sign either of extreme poverty or humiliation, as in the case of war prisoners. Because precious stones were not mined in the Palestine-Syria region, Hebrews imported them from foreign country. They were consumer-to a large degree limited by their very modest standard of living-but not producers. Hebrews liked the precious stones and were motivated to acquire and wear jewels. Besides their use for adornment and as gifts, the precious or semiprecious stones were regarded by Jews of property. The Hebrews were not innovators in the field of decorative arts. The prohibition of the Law against making any "graven image" precluded the development of painting, sculpture, and other forms of representational art. Jewish men did not indulge in extravagances of dress, and there was little ornamentation among them. Men wore a signet ring on their right hand or sometimes suspended by a cord or chain around the neck. The necklaces, when worn by a male, also bore any symbol of his authority. Bracelets were extremely popular with both men and women, men usually preferring to wear them on their upper arms. The girdle was a very useful part of a man's clothing. It was used as a waist belt, or used to fasten a man's sword to his body, or served as a pouch in which to keep money and other things. Men often carried a cane or staff, which would be ornamented at the top. Among the women there was more apt to be ornamentation than among the men. Hebrew women liked to deck themselves with jewels, and ornamentation of the bride were specially luxurious and numerous. They wore rings on their fingers or On toes, ankle rings, earrings, nosering, necklace, bracelets. Their shapes were of cresent, waterdrops, scarab, insect, animal or plant. Sometimes those were used as amulets. They were made of ceramics, gold, silver, bronze, iron, and various precious stones which were mostly imported from Egypt and Sinai peninsular. Hebrews were given many religious regulations by Moses Law on their hair, headgears, sandals and ornamentation. Their clothing were deeply related with their customs especially with their religions and rituals. Hebrew religion was of monotheism and of revealed religion. Their religious leaders, the prophets who was inspired by God might need such many religious regulations to lead the idol oriented people to God through them.