• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.64 no.4
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• pp.162-175
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• 2014

This study focuses on Korea's traditional-style soryebok, in terms of its foundation, progression, and structural features. The research methods employed here include literature analyses of relevant laws and an official daily gazette, and practical analyses of artifacts and photographic documents. Especially, the artifacts of heukdannyeong(black uniform for officials with a round neck) in the form of chaksu(tight sleeves) were examined, which was regulated as soryebok in Eulmiuijegaehyeok. The term "soryebok" firstly appeared in "使和記略"(Sahwagiryak) written by Park Yeong-hyo, a foreign envoy to Japan, in 1882. Emperor's invitation written in the book asked him to wear daeryebok at the ritual and soryebok to the banquet. Soryebok was not adopted in Gapshinuijegaehyeok in 1884. However, several illustrated documents of the modern banquets at that time reveal that sabok, which was included in the 1884 reform, was used as soryebok. According to the Gapouijegaehyeok in December 1894, courtiers were required to wear heukdannyeong as daeryebok, and add juui(topcoat) and dapho(sleeveless coat) as tongsangyebok when they visited the royal palace. In Joseon's first daeryebok system, the term "tongsangyebok" that had been used in Japan was employed before soryebok was used. According to Eulmiuijegaehyeok in August 1895, the term "soryebok" originated from a costume ritual for courtiers of the Joseon Dynasty. Soryebok featured heokbannyeong chaksupo, samo (winged hat for officials), sokdae(belt), and hwaja (shoes for officials). There are around 24 artifact pieces of heukdannyeong in the form of chaksu(tight sleeves) in the following locations: garments of Prince Heungwangun and Wansungun, the court artifacts, Korea University Museum, Yun Ung-ryeol's family housed at Yonsei University, and Kyungwoon Museum. Artifacts have mu(godet) pulled back and a topcoat-like triangular mu. In conclusion, heukdannyeong, traditional-style soryebok has significance in the history of modern dress because streamlined traditional clothes and newly introduced Western dress system were able to be combined.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.43-62
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• 2009

No.87 Sogong-dong where is the Chosun hotel stand. There was the Nambeol-gung(south ern royal villa) which had been a reception hall for enboys of the toadied country before Hwangudan圜丘壇 being set up in the year 1897. The site of the Nambeol-gung was Gyeongjeong慶貞 princess's a lot for house in the early 15th century. But after princess's death, it occurred property dispute between her son and four daughters. As a result of the dispute, a lot and a house of all the princess's properties reverted to the government. At reverted this lot was established a big royal villa in the year 1583 and that royal villa was granted to Uian prince. The villa reverted to the government again when the Uian義安 prince was dead in 12 years old by an epidemic. After the Imjin Invasion壬辰倭亂, another houses and buildings got to be role as a palace because of all the palace in the capital was burnt down to ashes. Among others Nambeol-gung was brought into play as the royal audience chamber. As well as, the villa became brought out role as a reception hall for enboys of the toadied country instead of a damaged reception hall the Taepyong-gwan太平館. In period when the envoy didn't come, the Nambeol-gung was used to extraordinary office of government like Dogam都監. This situation is to mean that the Nambeol-gung is not the royal villa any more. Because of the Nambeol-gung was built as a royal villa, that spaces were composited like space of house and palace. But this spatial composition and spatial name were not fit to hold a ceremony of government office. After all, Nambeol-gung was used change only the spatial name conform to ceremony of office keep up the spatial composition.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.183-199
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• 2006

This study aims to estimate the nationality of two envoys by examining their dresses and appearances depicted on the wall painting of Afrasiab's Palace in Samarkand with the concentration on the history of the international exchange between three states and the countries in Central Asia. The international exchange between three states and the countries in Central Asia are examined with the concentration on the literature review. And what are related to the dresses during the period of the three states are examined with the concentration on the literature review and the wall painting of Goguryeo tomb. The followings results were identified. The dresses of envoys were comprised of Jowugwan, the soft hat shaped like a peaked hat, the upper garment reaching a hip line with Jikryeong Gyoim and Tongsu, narrow trousers, black belt with a hook, front-pointed shoes and big sword with a round ring. The items of dressing are very similar to those during the Goguryeo period as observed on the wall paintings and excavated articles from the tombs from the Goguryeo period and literature. The next examination is estimated that Goguryeo had the official relationship with the countries in Central Asia before the invasion of Tang in mid-7 century when the wall painting, in our estimation, was produced, and to this end, Goguryeo sent the envoys to those countries. The envoys on the wall painting were estimated to be from Goguryeo as discussed above.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.268-280
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• 1999

$\ll$Yongchu(靈樞)$\gg$ is completed as a result of gathering several treatises about oriental medicine in B.C. 3c ~ A.D. 1c, and esteemed as a bible of oriental medicine, especially very much quoted in acupuncture fields. But the name of $\ll$Yongchu(靈樞)$\gg$ wasn't in existence at that time. Until A.D. 3c, it had been named after $\ll$Guguen(九券)$\gg$, given it's number of volumes, and since then mainly named after $\ll$Chimgueng(針經)$\gg$, given a word of the first volume. After A.D. 6c, under the influence of Taoism(道家), it was titled $\ll$Yongchu(靈樞)$\gg$, $\ll$Guhe(九墟)$\gg$, $\ll$Gureong(九靈)$\gg$ etc. Yongchu(靈樞), guhe(九墟), gureong(九靈) are words which is connected with Taoism(道家). In 1155, Sung Sa(史崧) published $\ll$Yongchu(靈樞)$\gg$, whim became a textbook of oriental medicine, so other titles disappeared since then. $\ll$Yongchu(靈樞)$\gg$, $\ll$Guhe(九墟)$\gg$, $\ll$Gureong(九靈)$\gg$, $\ll$Guguen(九卷)$\gg$, $\ll$Chimgueng(針經)$\gg$ are not the same book, but the contents are almost similar, and some letters are different. Especially the textbook, pubished by Sasung(史崧), had been related to the $\ll$Chimgyeng(針經)$\gg$, delivered to North-Song(北宋) dynasty by Jong-Gag Haung(黃宗慤), an envoy of an ancient Korean state(918-1392). So I expect to progress the study of medical exchange about it in the future.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.623-630
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• 2007

The remarkable fact regarding the History of Chosun Dynasty(from Jungjong- Youngjo) is that any slightest evidence can't be found that Pobeckchuck was used to measure clothes or various Pobecks. There remains the document that in the 22nd years of Myeonjong, Japan required that Pobeckchuck be used, but it couldn't be allowed because of the reason it was made in the former king. This fact raises the high possibility that Pobeckchuck could be the most trustworthy standardized ruler at that time, and in other point of view, it can be presumed that the measurement in the period of King Sejong continued to have been used until this time. It can be seen that the length of one Chuck of Pobeckchuck at this time must have been equivalent to 46. 73cm of Pobeckchuck of Samchuck in the period of Sejong. In the History of Sunjo Period, many records on Pobeckchuck can be found, which fact seemed to have rectified the measurement system which was disordered by military revolt, though the reason is not clear. Also a record can be found that in the period of Sunjo, Chinese envoy required the Sunjo Regime to use Pobeckchuck for the measurement of copper pillar, which record supports the fact that Pobeckchuck is the standardized ruler. Another record that in the 26th period of Youngjo, Pobeckchuck of Samchuck was corrected according to the Kyeongkukdaejeon shows that the length of Pobeckchuck was 46.80cm at that time. Also, the record which rectified many rulers with the comparison of Hwangjong-chuck, Ju-chuck, Joryeki-chuck, Yongjo-chuck, etc. with one another reveals that the rulers used in the period of Sejong continued to have been used unchanged until in the period of Youngjo.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.50 no.6
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• pp.109-125
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• 2000

As the result of the study of this thesis, the costume of Palhae and Shilla shows the many similarity. 1. The two centuries introduced the system of four-colored official uniform. This official uniforms are BokDoo(복두), DanLyung(團領) and Dae(帶). BanLyung of Palhae are GyulGoPo(결과포), leather belt and that of Shilla are GyulGoPo, YuLanPo(유란포), KwaDae(과대) Similarly BokDoo shows the long Gak(脚) in back. 2. Yu(유) and Ko(袴), the native costumes have worn even after the period of the three countries. 3. The two countries wore DanLyung. A man In Palhae wore GyulGoPo(결과포), leather belt and a man in Shilla wore GyulGoPo, YuLanPo(유란포), KwaDae(과대). 4. A woman in Palhae wore SangEui(上衣), Sang(裳), JikLyung(直領) one by one. And over Sang wrapped PoBaekDae(布帛帶) and covered the shoulder by UnGyun(雲肩). A woman in Shilla wore SangEui, Sang, PoBaekDea one by one and covered the shoulder by Pyo(표). 5. The two countries put on Rib(笠) and similary shoes. Rib insists of Moche(帽體), ChaYang(次養) and can classify the estate by decoration. A man wore Wha(靴), Li(履) and a woman wore KoDooLi(高頭履). This similarity is the result by the cultural interchange between Palhae and Shilla. There are the five reasons. Interchange by the envoy's visit. Interchange through Shillado(新羅道), Interchange in T'ang Dynasty, Interchange in Japan, Interchange of Buddhist culture. By the cultural interchange between Palhae(渤海) and Shilla(新羅), the shape of costume is similary. The meaning of this similarity of costume equals to the similarity of culture. We will approval Palhae is the co-subject of Korean history with Shilla and will name as "The period of NamBukKuk(南北國時代)" from the late 7th century to the early 10th century in the academy of the history of Korean Costume.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.32-47
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• 2003

The Joseon had made maps of Japan with information that gained during the exchanges with Japan on the basis of the polio of maintaining amicable relations. The elaborate map of Japan similar to Haenggido was in Honilgangniyokdaekukdojido(Map of integrated lands and regions of historical countries and capitals, made in 1402, and more accurate map of Japan was found in Haedongjegukgi(Chronicle of the countries of the Eastern Sea, compiled by Sinsukju in 1471. These products were due to openness of foreign exchanges in 15th century. After 16th century, understanding of Japan based on China-centric view was intensified, as the confucianism of Chu-tzu planted its roots deeply in Joseon society as the social doctrine. These tendency were reflected in the map-making, accordingly many kinds of maps of Japan in the atlas were meager in contents and distorted in shorelines. Apart these currents, as comings and goings of official envoy became brisk, elaborated maps of Japan were imported and copied in the Joseon dynasty. Consequently these maps helped the elites of Joseon to raise understanding of Japan.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.73-82
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• 2003

In the early years of the Koryo dynasty(877~1392), the grain production was encouraged and the consumption of meat was abstained because of the Buddhism. Therefore, desserts including rice cos and cookies and teas were prevalent. Specially, the cooking skill of the desserts was highly developed because the desserts were the requisite of offered in Buddhist service and national ceremonies. Also, the king took the lead in abstaining to eat meat. According to $\boxDr$Koryodokyung$\boxUl$ , People in the early Years of the Koryo dynasty were unskilled to slaughter for serving meat to the envoy from China. Most ceremonies in Koryo dynasty were held fur retainers by king and the ceremonies held to celebrate the coronation, birth of the royal grandchildren, and royal birthday, and to treat the envoys and merchants from China(Song dynasty) and Tamra kingdom. The ceremonies were continuously held from the early year to the later year of Koryo dynasty. The aristocracy of the Koryo dynasty often held the extravagant ceremonies and drank liquor a lot in the ceremony and offered the extravagant foods such as oil-and-honey pastry and milk, which caused the national problem later. The royal religious ceremonies held often in the Koryo dynasty were ancestor worship ceremony, tea ceremony, lotus lantern ceremony, Palgwanhoe, etc. In Koryo dynasty, there were several government offices that took charge of royal dietary culture as follows: 1. Yomulgo (料物庫) - government office supplied with provisions 2. Sasunseo(司謄署) - government office that took charge of various kinds of side dishes 3. Saonseo(司酪署) - government office that took charge of wine and liquor 4. Naejangtaek(內莊宅) - government office managed paddy fields and dry fields owned by royal family 5. Sangsikguk(尙食局) - government office same as Sasunseo that took charge of various kinds of side dishes, the name changed to Sasunseo later 6. Sungwanseo (謄官署) - government office that took charge of foods for various religious services and ceremonies 7. Naewonseo (內園署) - government office that took charge of the garden

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.239-272
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• 2009

Our investigation of the intricate relationship among nationalism, humanism, and imperialism begins from reading Song of Ariran, the auto/biography of Kim San recorded by Nym Wales, together with Margaret Drabble's fictional adaptation of Lady Hong's autobiography, The Memoirs of Lady $Hyegy{\breve{o}}ng$, in her novel The Red Queen, in which the story of Barbara Halliwell, a modern female envoy of Lady Hong, is interweaved with Lady Hong's narrative. In spite of their being seemingly disparate texts, Song of Ariran and The Red Queen are comparable: they are written by Western female writers who deal with Koreans, along with the Korean history and culture. Accordingly, both works cut across the boundary of fiction and fact, imagination and history, and the East and the West. In the age of globalization, Western women writing (about) Korea and Koreans traversing the historical and cultural limits inevitably engage us in post-colonial discussions. Despite the temporal differences--If Song of Ariran handles with the historical turmoils of the 1930s Asia, mostly surrounding Kim San's activities as a nationalist, The Red Queen is written by a twenty-first century British woman writer whose international interest grapples with the eighteenth-century Korean Crown Princess' spirit in order to reinscribe a story of Korean woman's within the contemporary culture--, both works appeal to the humanistic perspective, advocating the universal human beings' values transcending the historical and national limitations. While this sort of humanistic approach can provide sympathy transcending time and space, this 'idealistic' process can be problematic because the Western writers's appropriation of Korean culture and its history can easily reduce its particularities to comprehensive generalization, without giving proper names to the Korean history and culture. Nonetheless, the Western female writers' attempt to find a place of 'contact' is valuable since it opens a possibility of having meaningful communications between minor culture and dominating culture. Yet, these female writers do not seem to absolutely cross the border of race, gender, and culture, which leaves us to realize how difficult it is to reach a genuine understanding with what is different from mine even in these 'universal' narratives.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.281-306
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• 2007

M. M. Bakhtin's dialogic concept of multi-voiced discourse allows us to open up the text of The Clerk's Tale and to account for its radical heterogeneity. Once we recognize the multi-voiced character of The Clerk's Tale, then what was heretofore regarded as discontinuous or ignored can be seen as the clash of several different world-views. Such a conceptual framework gives an added depth and scope to such thematic subjects as sovereignty, the status of women, and rhetorical style. There are three different and antagonistic voices involved in the tale's narration. These voices project different viewpoints or world-views, and they consequently engage each other in a polemic debate. Their relationship with each other is discontinuous and dialectical rather than continuous and harmonious. The first voice is the Petrarchan voice of moral allegory, which is the voice of tradition, authority, and high seriousness. This voice of moral allegory regards the story of Griselda as an exemplum of spiritual constancy and virtuous suffering. The second voice is the Clerkly voice of pathos based on human experience and feeling. This voice is defined by the Clerk's asides and apostrophes interspersed in the narrative proper, which function to engage the Petrarchan voice in a polemical debate. The third voice is the voice of parody, nominally identified with Chaucer the poet, which is located in the second ending, including Envoy. Whereas the other two voices are earnest and serious, the voice of parody is irrelevant, playful and antagonistic to both the Petrarchan voice of moral allegory and the Clerkly voice of secular humility.