• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.27-36
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• 2019

The industrialization theory that industry and economic development of country has an important influence on the development of the welfare state had become a major theory explaining the development of the welfare state. However, the theory of industrialization faced criticism that the size of public welfare was relatively weak even in advanced industrial countries where industrialization developed. To complement and explain these limitations, The theory of democracy that the welfare state could be expanded as a strategy for election competition, and the theory of power-resources theory that welfare states could develop when the power of unions and left parties demanding welfare states were strengthened. This study uses Fuzzy-set analysis for the data of OECD countries adding industrial structure variables to existing theory of the development of welfare state. The result suggests that the proportion of manufacture such as industry structure of country is important for the development of welfare state.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.145-152
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• 2019

The metal-manufacturing method and smelting temperature of ancient metal-production processes have been studied by analyzing the principal elements and microstructures of slag. However, the microstructure of slag varies according to the solidification cooling rate and types and relative amounts of various oxides contained within the smelting materials. Hence, there is a need for accurate analysis methods that allow slag to be distinguished by more than its composition or microstructure. In this study, the microstructures of slag discharged as a result of smelting iron sands collected from Pohang and Gyeongju, as well as the slag excavated from the Ungyo site in Wanju, were analyzed by using metalloscopy, scanning election microscopy-energy dispersine X-ray spectroscopy(SEM-EDS) and wavelength dispersive X-ray fluorenscence(WD-XRF). Furthermore, the microcrystals were accurately characterized by performing Raman micro-spectroscopy, which is a technique that can be used to identify the microcrystals of slags. SEM-EDS analysis of Pohang slag indicated that its white polygonal crystals could be Magnetite; however, Raman micro-spectroscopy revealed that these crystals were actually $ulv{\ddot{o}}spinel$. Raman micro-spectroscopy and SEM-EDS were also used to verify that the coarse white dendritic structures observed in the Gyeongju-slag were $W{\ddot{u}}stites$. Additionally, the Wanju slag was observed to have a glassy matrix, which was confirmed by Raman micro-spectroscopy to be Augite. Thus, we have demonstrated that Raman micro-spectroscopy can accurately identify slag microcrystals, which are otherwise difficult to distinguish as solely based on their chemical composition and crystal morphology. Therefore, we conclude that it has excellent potential as a slag analysis technique.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information Security & Cryptology
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.801-816
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• 2021

This study analyzes the political and legislative progress that although basic acts to establish an integrated system of cybersecurity are steadily being proposed, they have not been passed as legislative deadlocks under the two major parties. It shall be analyzed through Korea's legislative system, including differences in contents and interests of the disposal act, the timing and cycle of election ect. The study analyzes why the basic cybersecurity law was previously scrapped and faced political gridlock situation by analyzing the differences in the contents and interests of the two major parties, and the timing and cycle of the proposed legislation.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.10
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• pp.344-355
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• 2021

As the voting age has been lowered to 18 from the 21st general election on April 15, 2020, the use of political news, motivation for political interest, and reliability of political media of first-time voters were examined. Accordingly, we analyzed how their political efficacy affects their voting intentions. As a result of the study through the survey of participants, the use of political news by voters was to acquire political information mainly through TV and portals. And the use of traditional media such as radio and newspaper was low. first voters became interested in politics through articles delivered by the media, and it was found that they trusted the political information provided through terrestrial TV reports and debates. This generation also confirmed that if they have higher political efficacy, they show higher willingness to participate in voting. Through this study, in order to increase the political participation of the younger generation who are evaluated as having relatively low interest in politics, the role of the media was reconfirmed as the most important factor.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.101-134
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• 2018

This study examines the effects of members' legislative performance on their renominations in the $19^{th}$ Korean National Assembly. We measure how many bills each member has proposed and passed in the Assembly. In addition, we also include rate of passing bills as an indicator of legislative performance. Particularly, we analyze 320 members in total, and 270 members who got in on the competition for nomination separately. The empirical findings of our study show that, firstly, among the total members in the Assembly, as they propose bills more and pass bills fewer, they are more likely to be renominated in the very next election. However, this is a result of different types of members rather than legislative performance. Secondly, among the members who actually competed for renomination, the legislative performance of members can not affect their renomination. Therefore, we argue that it is necessary to stipulate nominations criteria and transform top-down nomination method to bottom-up one in order to raise responsiveness and enhance representative democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.5-28
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• 2018

The recent changes in Korean elections are mainly characterized as the downfall of the Conservative party. It is surprising, considering that the conservative party gained the historical support from the electorate in 2012, just several years ago. This paper claims that the downfall of the Conservative party is mostly derived from the perceptual conflicts and inconsistencies in the mind of the conservatives. The findings show clearly both attitude conflicts for the conservatives and its effect of asymmetrical (in)activation of participation. As their preferences to the conservative candidate and party became weaken, the conservatives remained to be inactive participants in elections. On the other hand, the liberals could make political decisions easily, having popular candidate and preferable political party. It suggests that, in order to participate, the electorate needs attractive candidate as well as parties to support in election. To revive as an active political actor, the conservative party should focus on the search of attractive candidates for the conservative electorate and reform the party in accordance with ideological preference of the electorate.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-44
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• 2013

This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.45-87
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• 2013

This paper aims to study Thai democratic deepening and the constitutional engineering with the analytical concepts of 'power sharing' and 'accountability' focusing on the 1997 and 2007 Constitution. With regard to power sharing, the 1997 Constitution had the characteristics of majoritarian principle including a two-party system, strengthening of prime minister and the executive's power etc. It enhanced significantly the aspects of accountability compared with the previous constitutions. The institutions such as Constitutional Court, Commission on Election, Administration Court, Commission on Human Right, Ombudsman, Commission on Anti-corruption, and the Measure for Anti-money Laundering were established by the 1997 Constitution. However, such empowered accountability system were often abused by the political power groups in the political process. The 2007 Constitution has the characteristics of consensual principle including a multiparty system, proportional representation system, weakened prime minister's power, balancing of cabinet and parliament's power, pushing ahead with decentralization. However, the consensual principle of the 2007 Constitution came, in part, from the factional interests. It is similar to the 1997 Constitution in terms of accountability system, which enhanced in law but abused often in practice. One of the critical reasons for the failure of the 1997 and 2007 constitutions to consolidate democratic system was the political game played around the so-called network for the monarchy composed by the military, the civilian bureaucracy, Constitutional Court and the privileged classes. The future of the Thai democratic deepening depends on the constitutional engineering in which the factional interests should be excluded, and the rules of power sharing and accountability which traditionally played around the network for the monarchy should be effectively institutionalized.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information Security & Cryptology
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.49-61
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• 2003

Electronic voting schemes must provide universal verifiability and receipt-freeness, as well as basic properties such as privacy, eligibility, to make the election fair and transparent. But it is difficult to provide both universal verifiability and receipt-freeness because they are mutually contradictory in their objective. To date, most electronic voting schemes provide only one of these properties and those few that provide both properties are not practical due to heavy computational load. In this paper, we present an efficient electronic voting scheme that provides both properties. The proposed scheme uses a trusted third party called HR(Honest Randomizer) and requires only one-way untappable channels from HRs to voters. Among the schemes that assume only one-way untappable channel this scheme requires the least amount of computation. Among the schemes that provide both properties, this scheme uses the weakest physical assumption. We also discuss the security of the system and compare our scheme with other related schemes.

• Journal of Korean Society of Industrial and Systems Engineering
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.168-177
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• 2020

In recent years, importance of blockchain systems has been grown after success of bitcoin. Distributed consensus algorithm is used to achieve an agreement, which means the same information is recorded in all nodes participating in blockchain network. Various algorithms were suggested to resolve blockchain trilemma, which refers conflict between decentralization, scalability, security. An algorithm based on Byzantine Agreement among Decentralized Agents (BADA) were designed for the same manner, and it used limited committee that enables an efficient consensus among considerable number of nodes. In addition, election of committee based on Proof-of-Nonce guarantees decentralization and security. In spite of such prominence, application of BADA in actual blockchain system requires further researches about performance and essential features affecting on the performance. However, performance assessment committed in real systems takes a long time and costs a great deal of budget. Based on this motivation, we designed and implemented a simulator for measuring performance of BADA. Specifically, we defined a simulation framework including three components named simulator Command Line Interface, transaction generator, BADA nodes. Furthermore, we carried out response surface analysis for revealing latent relationship between performance measure and design parameters. By using obtained response surface models, we could find an optimal configuration of design parameters for achieving a given desirable performance level.