• Journal of Urban Science
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.75-90
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• 2020

Günter Behnisch is one of the architects who played a major role as a pioneer of German modern architecture after World War II. After experiencing the era of the oppression of the Nazi right-wing national socialist, he tried to break away from the high-pressure and arrogant architecture to control everything in the building and to create a building that was born in a democratic way of thinking. He thought that architecture showed us the way we treat ourselves and the world, and that architecture formed our world view backwards. In this way, architects can express their way of thinking about their society through their works. Behnisch judged that the educational facility was the most appropriate use for implementing his democratic mindset. He hoped that this would give students the characteristics of democracy through architecture. Schools are a place where small society is experienced, and it is thought to be a medium for him to implement democratic thinking in school architecture. This study analyzed the educational facilities of Behnisch by deriving the analysis elements through the educational space organization reflecting Prakash Nair's educational facilities and educational theory and his architectural philosophy. The various plans, sections and spaces, which are characteristics of the his school facilities analyzed in this study, are expected to be helpful as data for presenting variety to many educational facilities in Korea.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.17-30
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• 2017

This study takes a close examination of the Saturday protest movement in Korea and explores how the politics by social movements challenges the extant theorization of democratization. The paper begins with a brief description of the presidential scandal, the eruption of massive protests, and its impact on formal politics. By situating the Korean case in a comparative theoretical discussion, it engages with important debates in the latest scholarship of democracy that complicate given assumptions and conceptualization. The paper closes with theoretical suggestions of how the Korean drama of protest movements contributes to altering the imagination of democratic politics, both conceptually and substantively.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.147-182
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to examine the population changes in the nine Southeast Asian countries, including Cambodia, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Philippine, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Singapore, Vietnam, and Thailand. According to the demographic transition theory which described the transition from high birth and death rates to low birth and death rates, the demographic changes in less developed countries, including the Southeast Asian countries, follow the general pattern of the population changes that the Western countries had experienced. However, this theory does not consider the fact that the demographic behaviors such as fertility and mortality tend to be ethnocentric (or particular). Therefore, I examine in this paper both the generality and particularity of the population changes in the Southeast Asia . The analytic results are consistent with my assumptions. Every country in the Southeast Asia will soon reach the third phrase of the demographic transition and meet population ageing process. However, the timings arriving at the third phrase can differ. Singapore which is the most developed country had firstly passed through the demographic transition and the highest level of population ageing. Cambodia and Lao People's Democratic Republic, the least developed countries, will lastly arrive at the third phrase and the ageing society. In addition, among the three countries which had experienced war or civil war, only Cambodia had experienced babyboom.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.3 no.4
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• pp.176-197
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• 2016

Despite being a key concept of International Relations theory, there is no consensus about what the national interest is. It is almost impossible for political leaders of democratic states to make a crucial decision in foreign policies when considering only the national interest without public support. Rather, we are unable to imagine the national interest without public opinion. In general, international crises galvanize people who held different opinions and unify social cleavages, such as secular-religious identities, into a nation that acts in its national interest. The author proposes a method to operationalize the key concept and describes a relationship between the national interest and religious identities in a democratic state. The selected case is the state of Israel. It is believed that Israel is a good example to think about the association between foreign affairs and political attitudes since it is characterized as a socio-religious divided society and has often waged war against Arab military forces.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.37-66
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• 2017

Massive civic protests and consequent presidential impeachment requires a serious revisiting to democratic theories of Korean democracy. This paper explores the strengths and limitations of macro and micro approaches. Changes in democratic realities was manifested on three fronts. First, the rise of new political subject, that is, participants to massive protest. Second, changing nexus between representative institutions and civic protests. Third, parliamentarization of presidential democracy. Specifically macro approach has changed its negative assessment of democracy into positive evaluation. Macro theory has to revisit it's notion of 'minjung' to cope with the rise of new subject. Also macro approach has to struggle with the declining role of civic organizations and political activists. Micro approach has to deal with new mode of networking among citizens and to unravel the evolving relation between democratic institutions and civic protests. In sum, theories need to expand the analytic scope, to revitalize analytic tools and to rebalance value judgment and analytical efforts.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.99-125
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• 2002

Fisheries cooperative requires dual characteristics in performing its original function. Economic characteristic as an business enterprise and democratic characteristic as cooperative entity need to complete its objectives and survive in the complex rapidly-changing environment. After IMF crisis, fisheries cooperative received enormous government's financial support and credit-business department is perfectly under government's control. Regional fisheries cooperative also faces business failure, therefore pure cooperative movement can't save the fisheries cooperative. Economic characteristic as an business enterprise is more emphasized than democratic characteristic as cooperative entity in recent years. The theory of corporate ownership and governance can be applied to explain the ownership and governance of fisheries cooperative because fisheries cooperative is now similar to an business enterprise. During the IMF crisis the board, the auditors and the minority shareholders in business enterprise were revealed to be powerless against the mighty influence of controlling shareholders. Unconstrained discretion exercised by those controlling shareholders not only led to the firms'insolvency, but also brought down the country's financial system. During the past few years, Korea has experienced many institutional changes regarding its corporate governance structure. The introduction of outside directors, the strengthening of minority shareholders' rights, and enhanced accounting transparency are achieved to improve the efficiency of economic system. Investors, including institutional and individual, also seem to be more aware of governance issues now. Credit-business department of fisheries cooperative is recommended to introduce the institutions same as the case of the corporate governance structure. Fisheries cooperative except economic and credit-business department requires other prescriptions because it is emphasized as democratic cooperative entity. But we should be careful to interpret the ownership and governance structure because they are products of nations, eras and organizations.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.7
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• pp.37-64
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• 2009

The theories of Korean Public Art originated by the artists who were against dictatorship and they associated with democratic politicians. They criticized the Fine art that were supported by the dictatorship and gave their efforts for restoration of 'resistance paintings(against dictatorship)', 'proletarian painting', 'realism painting'. In addition, they participated new social ideology(democracy) movement and demonstrated for their rights in arts. These became the main kernel the public art theory was initiated. The public artists splitted into several different parts and participated in the democratic social movement as well as the art movement for freedom. They opened various art exhibitions within different genre, diverse space for various art section such as an exhibition hall, a factories, a university, or a congregation square. Furthermore, the public art theorists published their divergent views through newspaper/broadcasting or unauthorized printed materials. Most of the public artist and the theorists kept their relationship strongly until 1985, the time when 'National Arts Association' started. In 1983 and 1984, they were clearly separated into two parts; artists(move only in art museums) and activists(move in public spaces like school, convention square etc). Their ideological separation also took out national problems. The division; professional artists and armatures, became the social issue as a social stratification matter. And in creating method, there are also other conflicts; critical realism, and public realism as well as western painting and traditional one. These kinds of separation and conflicts made different Public artists associations, under divergent names; 'Reality and Speak'(R&S), 'KwangJu Art Association', 'Durung', 'Dang(Land)', and 'Local Youth Students Association'. In addition, their ideology and pursuit toward art movements were very difference. However, the differences and conflicts weakened When the oppression of democratic education from new dictatorship(Pres. Jun, Doo Hwan) came out. In August. 1985 the government opened to the public so called, 'The draft of School stabilization law'(Hankwon Anjung Bup) to control the teachers' rights and that initiated bigger street demonstration and conflicts between police and educators. In November.1985, assembly meeting of National Arts Association in democracy opened as 'ONE' combined organization. In this presentation, I'd like to summarize the stream of art movement until 1984, and clarify the main art theories that lead the Public Art Movements in 1980s. The main theories in 1980s are crucial because they become the origin of public art theories. This presentation started with O,youn's "Hyunsil Dong In the first declaration" and explained the absent of practice in 1970s. In addition, Won, Dong Suk 's theory was mentioned as all over struggles in theories before 1980s. GA and R&S 's founding declarations in 1970s were the start of public art theorists' activities and this article reported the activities after the declarations. First, realism base on the consciousness of reality. Second, practice art democratization based on the ideology. Third, the subject of public art movement based on understanding people's social stratification structure. Fourth, the matters of national forms and creative ways in arts based on showing reality. Fifth, the strong points in arts that the practitioners accepted. About the public art theories around 1984, I discussed the dividing point of public art theories that were shown in 'generation theory', 'organization theory', and 'popularization theory' by the practitioners. The public realism theory that subjects the contradiction of reality and point out the limits of critical realism not only showing the new creative ways but also giving the feeling of solidarity to the public art activist groups. After that, public art movements expressed 'Dismentlement of Capitalism' and 'Public revolution'. In addition, the direction of public art movements were established strongly. There were various opinions and views during the start and formation of the public art theories. The foundation of theorists activities derived from the practitioners who had the concept based on stratification and nationalism. The strong trend of group division spreaded out by practitioners who opened art work together in factories, universities, squares and rural areas. Now many lively active practitioners are gone to the other field not related with arts, and others join into professional art field not public art one with unknown reason. The theorists have the same situation with the practitioners. It means to me that theory always have to be based on the practice.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.84
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• pp.5-32
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• 2009

It is becoming harder and harder to philosophically defend liberalism in general under the circumstances in which neoliberalism is presumed to be blamed for today's global economic crisis. I nonetheless believe that liberal democracy can be revitalized with the help not from outside but from inside, although this might make my paper 'untimely'. Philosophical reflection on market is indispensible to the project of radical liberalism. Philosophy of market first delves into the nature of market in Principle. Next, it stipulates upon the complex interrelationships between the market order and the democratic order. This inquiry will cast light on that both the standard pro-market theory and the anti-market theory in relation to democracy are one-sided. The project of radical liberalism can be further articulated with the introduction of the concept of 'the political'. In conclusion, radical liberalism is expounded as a plausible version of Contemporary Korean social philosophy with a universal connotation.

• 한국노년학
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.1045-1058
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• 2010

Based on Rawl's Justice Theory, the author examines the rationales for educating older adults and advocates for their needs for just distributions of educational resources and opportunities. The author also seeks policy implications for establishing just educational systems for older citizens. On the basis of Rawl's Justice Theory, the essential principles for realizing social justice are presented. The author points out the Veil of Ignorance and Rational Indifference. As the practical methods for achieving social justice, the author presents Exclusion of Coincidence, Difference Principle, Democratic Equality, and Common Asset. Implications for establishing just education systems for older adults include: 1) The least advantaged groups such as older adults, females, and the disabled should not be discriminated in the distribution of educational resources; 2) People with higher capacities are obliged to serve less capable people; and 3) Older adults should mobilize all resources to empower themselves and to develop their potentials. The author concludes that Rawl's Justice Theory can be tapped into as a useful ideological framework in order to expand educational resources and opportunities for older adults.

• Child Health Nursing Research
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.48-57
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• 2011

Purpose: The study was conducted to explore the parenting experience of mothers who have defected from North Korean. Methods: Nineteen mothers who defected from North Korean were recruited in Hanawon and data were collected through face-to-face interviews. Grounded theory methodology developed by Strauss and Corbin (1998) was adapted for theoretical sampling and analysis. Interviews were recorded with consent and transcribed verbatim. Results: The core category was discovered to be 'pursuing positive parenting'. Phenomenon was identified as 'acting out of frustration' and this series of processes was categorized as having four stages: 'harsh reality', 'moving forward', seeking transition', and 'internalization'. Conclusion: The results indicate that their parenting experiences were in a transition process and, thus, it is critical to develop positive parenting intervention programs as a way to promote the empowerment of these mothers in parenting to help them support themselves and their children.