• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.24-48
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• 2022

Bronze mirrors found in pagodas were regarded as simple offerings and thus have received little attention in studies. Furthermore, the few studies on bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas have focused on the line-engraved mirrors found in the pagodas of the Kingdom of Wuyue; therefore, it is difficult to understand the general characteristics of the bronze mirrors enshrined in the pagodas. This study assumes that the bronze mirrors found in many pagodas in the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty were enshrined for a specific purpose. To explore this assumption and accurately understand the artifacts, this study focuses on the location and method of enshrinement. The number of bronze mirrors enshrined in pagodas increased during the Kingdom of Wuyue, with the mirrors expressing statues and inscriptions related to Buddhism rather than being simple offerings. This shows that the purpose of the bronze mirror changed. The influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue continued during the Song dynasty; however, the pattern of bronze mirror enshrinement changed due to the culture and social atmosphere of the time. The most common types of enshrined bronze mirrors were plain, and bronze mirrors from the Dang dynasty were also used consistently. Plain bronze mirrors were used more frequently in this period despite the lingering influence of the Kingdom of Wuyue because it was less laborious to engrave images and inscriptions such as the inscription of Buddha. Additionally, bronze mirrors were valued during this period because of the attention toward the imitation of the archaic bronze(仿古銅器) of the Song dynasty and the influence of the emperor. Moreover, it is believed that bronze mirrors were enshrined in pagodas as offerings as they were deemed valuable at the time. There was a change in the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty. During this time, bronze mirrors that were positioned on the floor or in iron boxes were intentionally attached to walls or hung from the ceiling. This method was largely divided into two types: attaching to walls or the ceiling(嵌入鏡) and hanging from the ceiling(懸鏡). A typical example of hanging a bronze mirror from the ceiling can be seen in the Jingzhisa Temple Pagoda, and Teng County's Fushengsa Temple Pagoda contains an example of attaching a bronze mirror to the ceiling. The methods of hanging or attaching bronze mirrors to the ceiling were closely related to the methods employed in Chinese tombs. Song dynasty burial chambers had a high and wide structure, so to defend against evil spirits(辟邪用), bronze mirrors were used to protect the burial rooms. Bronze mirrors were, therefore, placed high to illuminate the burial room. This was achieved in the ways mentioned above. As underground chambers became wider and higher, mirrors also protected the important areas of the chambers and illuminated the interiors. Thus, it is believed that the methods of enshrining bronze mirrors in the pagodas during the Kingdom of Wuyue and the Song dynasty arose from the method of enshrining bronze mirrors in tombs at the time. Thereafter, pagodas, such as the Miaojuesa Temple Pagoda, in which the placement of a bronze mirror was actively considered from the design stage were constructed.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.5
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• pp.52-76
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• 2023

This article focuses on changes in the ginseng industry in the 1930s in areas other than the Government Contract Cultivation (GCC) zones. A major characteristic of the ginseng industry in the 1930s was the rapid increase in the area covered by ginseng gardens: the area was about 212 ha in 1929 and 252 ha in 1930 and 1931 but soared to around 441 ha in 1938. This occurred because the non-GCC areas increased significantly during this period. Until the early 1930s, the ratio of GCC to non-GCC areas was 70:30. By the late 1930s, however, the ratio had changed to 53:47. The reason for this change was that the area of the newly established ginseng gardens in the GCC zones had decreased, while that of the non-GCC ginseng gardens had steadily increased. Due to the Japanese invasion of China, China boycotted red ginseng, and exports were sluggish, so the GCC areas were reduced. On the other hand, the non-GCC ginseng gardens were not affected, and the area they covered steadily increased. As a result, in the 1930s, the ginseng industry outside of the GCC areas grew rapidly. The region that led the growth of the ginseng industry outside of the GCC zone was Jeonbuk. By the late 1930s, Jeonbuk dominated the other provinces and accounted for more than 50% of the non-GCC farming zone. Gyeongbuk and Gangwon-do followed Jeonbuk in terms of ginseng cultivation areas. While Gyeonggi-do, Gyeongnam, and Chungbuk were also active in ginseng cultivation, Jeonnam and Chungnam were not active. In the 1930s, the growth of the ginseng industry outside of the GCC zones was driven by the efforts of ginseng farmers and the support of local governments. An examination of Yecheon-gun in Gyeongbuk, Ganghwa-gun in Gyeonggi, and Jecheon-gun in Chungcheongbuk-do showed that ginseng farmers organized cooperatives as the ginseng industry steadily developed in these regions, and these cooperatives worked systematically to cultivate and sell ginseng. In the case of Ganghwa-gun, activities were carried out to incorporate the GCC zone. The Deoksan Ginseng Association in Jecheon-gun determined that financing for cultivation was key and requested subsidies from the provincial government. Administrative authorities also supported the activities of the ginseng farmers. The activities of the farmers and the support of the administrative authorities together led to the growth of the ginseng industry during this period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.226-256
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• 2023

Gyeongju has been the capital of Silla Kingdom for about 1,000 years, and many cultural heritages of the Silla period, such as the Wolseong Palace Site, Daereungwon Ancient Tomb Complex and Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond, are located in the city. Due to these characteristics, the process of heritagization has been carried out in Gyeongju from the Japanese colonial era to after liberation. Heritagization means selecting things from the past due to the needs of the present and making them heritages. In the case of South Korea, national government-led heritagization was achieved during the Japanese colonial period, and after liberation because of the restoration of national culture and the construction of a national identity. Gyeongju is a representative example. On the other hand, Gyeongju's heritagization process was carried out with little consideration of the local community, and thus the local community and Gyeongju's heritage have been distancing. In 2002, Gyeongju's heritage sites were nominated as World Heritage Sites. With the nomination, the perception of the role of local communities in heritage has been changed, and institutional mechanisms to promote the participation of local communities have been continuously reorganized. However, Gyeongju's heritagization process, which was thoroughly conducted through the central government and expert groups, was the reason why Gyeongju residents actually thought Gyeongju's heritage and the locality of Gyeongju were formed through the central government and expert groups. This has been the result of Gyeongju residents' passive participation in heritagization or heritage management to date. This study analyzed the heritagization process of Gyeongju through literature research and conducted an interview survey of residents who have lived in Gyeongju for a long time to understand the impact of the institutional heritagization process on residents and the relationship with heritage. Based on the analysis results, it was suggested that local residents and communities could take the initiative in managing the heritage of Gyeongju.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.196-219
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• 2019

According to the Samguk Yusa, the nine-story wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple was built by a Baekje artisan named Abiji in 645. Until the temple was burnt down completely during the Mongol invasion of Korea in 1238, it was the greatest symbol of the spiritual culture of the Korean people at that time and played an important role in the development of Buddhist thought in the country for about 700 years. At present, the only remaining features of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which is now in ruins, are the pagoda's stylobate and several foundation stones. In the past, many researchers made diverse inferences concerning the restoration of the original structure and the overall architecture of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple, based on written records and excavation data. However, this information, together with the remaining external structure of the pagoda site and the assumption that it was a simple wooden structure, actually suggest that it was a rectangular-shaped nine-story pagoda. It is assumed that such ideas were suggested at a time when there was a lack of relevant data and limited knowledge on the subject, as well as insufficient information about the technical lineage of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple; therefore, these ideas should be revised in respect of the discovery of new data and an improved level of awareness about the structural features of large ancient Buddhist pagodas. This study focused on the necessity of raising awareness of the lineage and structure of the wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple and gaining a broader understanding of the structural system of ancient Buddhist pagodas in East Asia. The study is based on a reanalysis of data about the site of the wooden pagoda obtained through research on the restoration of Hwangnyongsa Temple, which has been ongoing since 2005. It is estimated that the wooden pagoda underwent at least two large-scale repairs between the Unified Silla and Goryeo periods, during which the size of the stylobate and the floor plan were changed and, accordingly, the upper structure was modified to a significant degree. Judging by the features discovered during excavation and investigation, traces relating to the nine-story wooden pagoda built during the Three Kingdoms Period include the earth on which the stylobate was built and the central pillar's supporting stone, which had been reinstalled using the rammed earth technique, as well as other foundation stones and stylobate stone materials that most probably date back to the ninth century or earlier. It seems that the foundation stones and stylobate stone materials were new when the reliquaries were enshrined again in the pagoda after the Unified Silla period, so the first story and upper structure would have been of a markedly different size to those of the original wooden pagoda. In addition, during the Goryeo period, these foundation stones were rearranged, and the cover stone was newly installed; therefore, the pagoda would seem to have undergone significant changes in size and structure compared to previous periods. Consequently, the actual structure of the original wooden pagoda at Hwangnyongsa Temple should be understood in terms of the changes in large Buddhist pagodas built in East Asia at that time, and the technical lineage should start with the large Buddhist pagodas of the Baekje dynasty, which were influenced by the Northern dynasty of China. Furthermore, based on the archeological data obtained from the analysis of the images of the nine-story rock-carved pagoda depicted on the Rock-carved Buddhas in Tapgok Valley at Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju, and the gilt-bronze rail fragments excavated from the lecture hall at the site of Hwangnyongsa Temple, the wooden pagoda would appear to have originally been an octagonal nine-story pagoda with a dual structure, rather than a simple rectangular wooden structure.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.56-67
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• 2019

In order to investigate the issue with the proper name of eshel(Tamarix aphylla) mentioned in the Bible, analysis of morphological taxonomy features of plants, studies on the symbolism of the Tamarix genus, analysis of examples in Korean classics and Chinese classics, and studies on the problems found in translations of Korean, Chinese and Japanese Bibles. The results are as follows. According to plant taxonomy, similar species of the Tamarix genus are differentiated by the leaf and flower, and because the size is very small about 2-4mm, it is difficult to differentiate by the naked eye. However, T. aphylla found in the plains of Israel and T. chinensis of China and Korea have distinctive differences in terms of the shape of the branch that droops and its blooming period. The Tamarix genus is a very precious tree that was planted in royal courtyards of ancient Mesopotamia and the Han(漢) Dynasty of China, and in ancient Egypt, it was said to be a tree that gave life to the dead. In the Bible, it was used as a sign of the covenant that God was with Abraham, and it also symbolized the prophet Samuel and the court of Samuel. When examining the example in Korean classics, the Tamarix genus was used as a common term in the Joseon Dynasty and it was often used as the medical term '$Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳)'. Meanwhile, the term 'wiseonglyu(渭城柳)' was used as a literary term. Upon researching the period and name of literature related to $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) among Chinese medicinal herb books, a total of 16 terms were used and among these terms, the term Chuísīliǔ(垂絲柳) used in the Chinese Bible cannot be found. There was no word called 'wiseonglyu(渭城柳)' that originated from the poem by Wang Wei(699-759) of Tang(唐) Dynasty and in fact, the word 'halyu(河柳)' that was related to Zhou(周) China. But when investigating the academic terms of China currently used, the words Chuísīliǔ(垂絲柳) and $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) are used equally, and therefore, it appears that the translation of eshel in the Chinese Bible as either Chuísīliǔ (垂絲柳) or $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) both appear to be of no issue. There were errors translating tamarix into 'やなぎ(willow)' in the Meiji Testaments(舊新約全書 1887), and translated correctly 'ぎょりゅう(檉柳)' since the Colloquial Japanese Bible(口語譯 聖書 1955). However, there are claims that 'gyoryu(ぎょりゅう 檉柳)' is not an indigenous species but an exotics species in the Edo Period, so it is necessary to reconsider the terminology. As apparent in the Korean classics examples analysis, there is high possibility that Korea's T. chinensis were grown in the Korean Peninsula for medicinal and gardening purposes. Therefore, the use of the medicinal term $Ch{\bar{e}}ngli{\check{u}}$(檉柳) or literary term 'wiseonglyu' in the Korean Bible may not be a big issue. However, the term 'wiseonglyu' is used very rarely even in China and as this may be connected to the admiration of China and Chinese things by literary persons of the Joseon Dynasty, so the use of this term should be reviewed carefully. Therefore, rather than using terms that may be of issue in the Bible, it is more feasible to transliterate the Hebrew word and call it eshel.

• The Journal of the Korean Society for Microbiology
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.9-15
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• 1972

The authors identified 45 Shigella cultures among 63 suspectable cultures obtained from the cases showing dysentery or the like symptoms in various parts of the country during the period from February to September, 1971. Of 45 cultures, 36 cultures belonged to Subgroup B, 7 cultures to Subgroup C and 2 cultures to Subgroup D. There was none of cultures belonging to Subgroup A in 1971, although the authors detected one culture of that among 41 identified Shigella in 1967. Of 36 cultures belonging to Subgroup B, 27 cultures were $B_{2a}$ and 3 cultures of each $B_{3c},\;B_{4a}$ and $B_y$ were serotyped, respectively. Of 7 cultures beloning to Subgroup C, one was $C_{11}$ and other six cultures were $C_{15}$ and all S. boydii were isolated in Seoul area. It might be possible to suggest that there was a tendency of decreasing prevalence of S. dysenteriae and of increasing prevalence of S. boydii in Korea, although the number of cultures. tested were very much limited to conclude, if it was compared with the results obtained by the authors in 1967 that the fourty-one identified Shigella were composed of one culture of S. dysenteriae, 36 cultures of S. flexneri, 4 cultures of S. sonnei and none of S. boydii. According to the results obtained from the biochemical tests, the positive ratio of Indol tests in Subgroup B was 31/36, which could be higher than 9/36 observed in 1961, but which was nearly correlated with the result published by Ewing and his colleagues in U.S.A. The positive rates of both sorbitol and raffinose were lower than that observed by Ewing and his colleagues in S. flexneri. Regarding with the sensitivity of Shigella cultures to the antibiotics being widely used in the country, 46.2% were sensitive to chloramphenicol, which was very much higher than that observed by Park, and 85.8% were sensitive to ampicillin, which would be the drug of choice according to the results from the In Vitro tests.

• Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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• v.34 no.5
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• pp.536-544
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• 2001

Three harmful algal bloom species with similar morphology, Cochlodinium polykrikoides, Gyodinium impudicum and Gymodinium catenatum have damaged to aquatic animals or human health by either making massive blooms or intoxication of shellfishes in a food chain. Eco-physiological and hydrodynamic studies on the harmful algae offer useful informations in the understanding their bloom mechanism by giving promising data for the prediction and modelling of harmful algal blooms event. Thus, we studied the abundance of these species in the coastal area of South Sea of Korea and their effects of temperature, salinity, irradiance and nutrient on the growth for the isolates. The timing for initial appearance of the three species around the coastal area of Namhaedo, Narodo and Wando was between Bate July and late August in 1999 when water temperature ranged from $22.8^{\circ}C\;to\;26.5^{\circ}C$ Vegetative cells of C. polykrikoides and G. impudicum were abundant until late September when water temperature had been dropped to less than $23^{\circ}C$. By contrast, vegetative cell of G. catenatum disappeared before early September, showing shorter period of abundance than the other two species in the South Sea. Both G. impudicum and G. catenatum revealed comparatively low density with a maximal cell density of 3,460 cells/L and 440 cells/L, respectively without making any bloom, while C. polykrikoides made massive blooms with a maximal cell density more than $40\times10^6$cells/L, The three species showed a better growth at the relatively higher water temperature ranging from 22 to $28^{\circ}C$ with their maximal growth rate at $25^{\circ}C$ in culture, which almost corresponded with the water temperature during the outbreak of C. polykrikoides in the coastal area of South Sea. Also, they all showed a relatively higher growth at the salinity from 30 to $35\%$. Specially, G. impudicum showed the euryhalic characteristics among the species, On the other hand, growth rate of G. catenatum decreased sharply with the increase of water temperature at the experimental ranges more than $35\%$. The higher of light intensities showed the better growth rates for the three species, Moreover, C. polykrikoides and G. impudirum continued their exponential growth even at 7,500 lux, the highest level of light intensity in the experiment, Therefore, It is assumed that C. polykrikoides has a physiological capability to adapt and utilize higher irradiance resulting in the higher growth rate without any photo inhibition response at the sea surface where there is usually strong irradiance during its blooming season. Although C. poiykikoides and G. impudicum continued their linear growth with the increase of nitrate ($NO_3^-$) and ammonium ($NH_4^-$) concentrations at less than the $40{\mu}M$, they didn't show any significant differences in growth rates with the increase of nitrate and ammonium concentrations at more than $40{\mu}M$, signifying that the nitrogen critical point for the growth of the two species stands between 13.5 and $40{\mu}M$. Also, even though both of the two species continued their linear growth with the increase of phosphate ($PO_4^{2-}$) concentrations at less than the $4.05{\mu}M$, there were no any significant differences in growth rates with the increase of phosphate concentrations at more than $4.05{\mu}M$, signifying that the phosphate critical point for the growth of the two species stands between 1.35 and $4.05{\mu}M$. On the other hand, C. polykrikoides has made blooms at the oligotrophic environment near Narodo and Namhaedo where the concentration of DIN and DIP are less than 1.2 and $0.3{\mu}M$, respectively. We attributed this phenomenon to its own ecological characteristics of diel vertical migration through which C. polykrikoides could uptake enough nutrients from the deep sea water near bottom during the night time irrespective of the lower nutrient pools in the surface water.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.371-383
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• 1999

This report gave analysis of food demand both in Korea and Japan through introducing the concept of cohort analysis to the conventional demand model. This research was done to clarify the factors which determine food demand of the household. The traits of the new model for demand analysis are to consider and quantify those effects on food demand not only of economic factors such as expenditure and price but also of non-economic factors such as the age and birth cohort of the householder. The results of the analysis can be summarized as follows: 1) The comparison of the item-wise elasticities of food demand demonstrates that the expenditure elasticity is higher in Korea than in Japan and that the expenditure elasticity is -0.1 for cereal and more than 1 for eating-out in both countries. In respect to price elasticity, the absolute values of all the items except alcohol and cooked food are higher in the Korea than in Japan, and especially the price elasticities of beverages, dairy products and fruit are predominantly higher in Japan. In this way, both expenditure and price elasticities of a large number of items are higher in Korea than in Japan, which may be explained from the fact that the level of expenditure is higher in Japan than in Korea. 2) In both of Korea and Japan, as the householder grows older, the expenditure for each item increases and the composition of expenditure changes in such a way that these moves may be regarded as due to the age effect. However, there are both similarities and differences in the details of such moves between Korea and Japan. Those two countries have this trait in common that the young age groups of the householder spend more on dairy products and middle age groups spend more on cake than other age groups. In the Korea, however, there can be seen a certain trend that higher age groups spend more on a large number of items, reflecting the fact that there are more two-generation families in higher age groups. Japan differs from Korea in that expenditure in Japan is diversified, depending upon the age group. For example, in Japan, middle age groups spend more on cake, cereal, high-caloric food like meat and eating-out while older age groups spend more for Japanese-style food like fish/shellfish and vegetable/seaweed, and cooked food. 3) The effect of the birth cohort effect was also demonstrated. The birth cohort effect was introduced under the supposition that the food circumstances under which the householder was born and brought up would determine the current expenditure. Thus, the following was made clear: older generations in both countries placed more emphasis upon stable food in their composition of food consumption; the share of livestock products, oil/fats and externalized food was higher in the food composition of younger generation; differences in food composition among generations were extremely large in Korea while they were relatively small in Japan; and Westernization and externalization of diet made rapid increases simultaneously with generation changes in Korea while they made any gradual increases in Japan during the same time period. 4) The four major factors which impact the long-term change of food demand of the household are expenditure, price, the age of the householder, and the birth cohort of the householder. Investigations were made as to which factor had the largest impact. As a result, it was found that the price effect was the smallest in both countries, and that the relative importance of the factor-by-factor effects differed among the two countries: in Korea the expenditure effect was greater than the effects of age and birth cohort while in Japan the effects of non-economic factors such as the age and birth cohort of householder were greater than those of economic factors such as expenditures.

• Korean Journal of Animal Reproduction
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.1-7
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• 2002

The present study was carried out to investigate the effects of maturation media on penetrability of pig oocytes by liquid boar sperm coincubated with different sperm concentrations in a modified Tris­buffered medium (mTBM). Follicular oocytes collected from ovaries of prepubertal gilts were matured in a modified TCM-199 (mTCM-199) medium, modified Waymouth MB 752/1 (mWaymouth MB 752/1) medium or NCSU-23 medium. Oocytes (30~40) were transferred into each well of a Nunc 4-well multidish containing 0.5 $m\ell$ maturation medium. The sperm­ich portion of ejaculates with greater than 90% motile sperm were used in the experiment. The semen was cooled 22 to 24$^{\circ}C$ over 2 h period. The semen was diluted with Beltsville Thawing Solution (BTS) extender at room temperature to give 2$\times$10$^{8}$ sperm/$m\ell$ in 100 $m\ell$ plastic bottle. Liquid boar semen of 30 $m\ell$ in 100 $m\ell$ plastic bottle was kept at 17$^{\circ}C$ far 5 days. The sperm with greater than 70% motility after day 5 of storage were used for in-vitro fertilization (IVF). After 44 h maturation of immature oocytes in 5% $CO_2$in air at 38.5$^{\circ}C$, cumulus cells were removed and oocytes (30~40) were coincubated for 6 h in 0.5 $m\ell$ mTBM fertilization medium with five different (1$\times$10$^{6}$ , 2$\times$10$^{6}$ , 4$\times$10$^{6}$ , 6$\times$10$^{6}$, 10$\times$10$^{6}$ $m\ell$) sperm concentrations. At 6 h after IVF, oocytes were transferred into 0.5 $m\ell$ NCSU-23 culture medium fur further culture of 6 h. At 12 h after IVF, sperm penetration, polyspermy and male pronuclear formation of oocytes were evaluated. Oocytes of NCSU-23 maturation medium decreased polyspermy and increased male pronuclear formation compared to those of mTCM­199 and mWaymouth MB 752/1 maturation media. Of oocytes matured in NCSU-23 medium and inseminated in mTBM medium with 2~4$\times$10$^{6}$ $m\ell$ sperm concentrations, 50.8~50.9% showed sperm penetration, 13.3~19.5% polyspermy and 43.9~45.4% male pronuclear formation. In conclusion, we found out that oocytes matured in NCSU­23 medium and inseminated in mTBM medium showed superior in­vitro fertilization compared to those matured in mTCM­199 and mWaymouth MB 752/1 maturation media and inseminated in mTBM medium. The optimum sperm concentrations for in-vitro fertilization of oocytes matured in NCSU-23 medium by liquid boar semen stored at 17$^{\circ}C$ for 5 days were 2~4$\times$10$^{6}$ $m\ell$.

• Journal of Animal Science and Technology
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• v.52 no.5
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• pp.413-426
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• 2010

This study was conducted to investigate the effects on fermentation characteristics of rumen microorganism by different types and levels of lignosulfonate treated soybean meal (LSBM) in in vitro test and rumen simulation continuous culture (RSCC) system in dairy cows. The experiment I was control and 12 treatments (each with 3 replications) in vitro test to demonstrate composition of different types of treatments with lignosulfonate (Desulfonate, Na, Ca and solution) and levels (2, 4 and 8%) of soybean meal in the dairy cow diet. LSBM source treatments in the dairy cow diet showed pH value, $NH_3$-N concentration and total VFA concentration lower than control at all levels and incubation times (p<0.05). Dry matter digestibility of LSBM source treatments showed lower than control (p<0.05). Gas production and rumen microbial synthesis was decreased by rumen microbial fermentation for incubation times. Undegradable protein (UDP) concentration of all LSBM treatments was decreased for incubation times, and significantly higher than control (p<0.05). In the experiment II compared diets of the control, LSBM Na 2%, LSBM Sol 2%, which are high performance to undegradable protein (UDP) concentration experiment I in vitro test, and heated treatment lignosulfonate (LSBM Heat) 2% in the dairy cow diet from four station RSCC system ($4{\times}4$ Latin square). A rumen microbial fermentation characteristic was stability during 12~15 days of experimental period in all treatments. The pH value of LSBM treatments was higher than control treatment (p<0.05). The $NH_3$-N concentration, VFA concentration and rumen microbial synthesis of LSBM treatments were lower than control (p<0.05). The undegradable protein (UDP) showed LSBM Na 2% (45.28%), LSBM Sol 2% (43.52%) and LSBM Heat 2% (43.49%) higher than control (41.55%), respectively (p<0.05). Those experiments were designed to improve by-pass protein of diet and milk protein in the dairy cows. We will conduct those experiments the in vivo test by LSBM treatments in dairy cows diet.