• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.142-160
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• 2023

The position of the people who participated in the Bapyo Ritual held in the reign of King Sejong and the corresponding costumes were examined. The king, who was the executive body of the ritual, wore Myeon-Bok, a court dress, and Myeon-Bok was Gujang-Bok made of Jang-wha on Guryu-Pyeongcheongwan. Crown princes, royal families, and government officials wore Oryang-Gwan and Jekraeui, which were Jobok. The crown princes' Joboks were changed from Oryang-Gwan to Wukryang-Gwan in the dynasty year 10 of King Sejong, and in the year of King Munjong's accession, Myeon-Bok was received, and after King Danjong, the crown princes wore Palryu-Pyeongcheongwan and Chiljang-Bok. Diplomats and Jongsagwan who were the envoys wore Sangbok. A Sangbok worn by the diplomat was Samo with Danryeong, Seo-Dae, and Hyeopgeum-Hwa, and a Sangbok worn by Jongsagwan was Samo, Danryeong, Heukgak-Dae, and Heukpi-Hwa. Byulgam, who served as an attendant to the king in the king's close quarters, wore Gongbok and Sangbok. Gongbok consisted of Ja-Geon, Danryeong and Heukpi-Hwa, and Sangbok consisted of orange color Cho-Rip, Jikryeong, Joa, and Heukpi-Hwa. The person holding San, Gae , Sujeongjang, and Geumwolbu wore Ja-Geon and Cheong-Ui, and Seon wore Pimoja and Hong-Ui. Siwigun wore armor and helmets equipped with weapons. Among court musicians, Aksa's costumes consisted of Bokdu, Bigongbok, Geumdonghyeokdae, Bibaekdaedae, and Opiri, and Aksaeng's one composed of Gaechaek, Bisuransam, Hyupgo, Mal, Maldae, and Opiri. As a result of the above, the process of ceremonial clothes becoming uniform clothes in the reign of King Sejong was confirmed. The king and lower-ranking officials such as crown princes, government officials, diplomats, Byulgam, armies for ceremonial weaponry, and court musicians participating in the Bapyo Ritual wore the highest grade of ceremonial clothes for each class. King Sejong had repeated discussions to build a nation based on Confucianism, and arranged each rite and corresponding costume, and the Bapyo Ritual costume was also systematically prepared for each position. The ceremonial clothing organized during the reign of King Sejong was regulated in Yejon and became the basis for continuing to the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.64 no.1
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• pp.106-122
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• 2014

This study is based on the official Chinese history of the ancient Korean(中國正史朝鮮傳) clothing and ornaments, and also tries to discover, study, and adjust the system of the ancient Korean clothing and ornaments. Ancient Korea has very poor official records of its clothing and ornaments. Therefore, this study had no choice but to rely on the official Chinese history to cover for the lack of resources. The official Chinese history documents are not only important for studying ancient Korean history, but also important for studying about the ancient Korean clothing and ornaments. This research selected historical documents about the ancient Korean clothing and ornaments from fifteen different Chinese dynasties' official documents, and then systematically classified the documents in order to compare them. All these processes confirmed the following subjects. In regards to the Kwan(冠: general hat), the hat types included Check, Byun(弁), Jeol-poong(折風), Jowoo-Kwan(鳥羽冠), So-gol(蘇骨), and Na-kwan(羅冠). These Kwan(冠) were influenced from Chinese clothing and ornaments. Gold and silver decorations on the Kwan(冠) were influenced from the Scythai culture. The feather decorations on the hat were residual of the bird worshiping culture or the hunting lifestyle. These things show that the ancient Korean clothing and ornaments originated the clothing and ornaments from the North. But the use of Jo-woo(bird feather) was common around the globe in many ways during the ancient times, regardless of area and period. The official Chinese history describes men's hair style as Choo-gyul (椎結) or sometimes pronounced, Choo-gyul(椎結). These seem to describe the topknot. Women had various types of hair styles such as Yu-byun-bal-su-hu (wear women's hair in a braid). The official Chinese history show that the ancient Korean clothing and ornaments originated the clothing and ornaments from the north. The ancient Korean clothing and ornaments influenced and were influenced by its neighboring countries.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.35
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• pp.91-109
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• 1997

This study was conducted to find a more rational way of inheriting and developing tra-ditional Korean HanBok children wear by means of looking at the color and shapes of traditional Korean HanBok and also to find a way to apply this to today's children HanBok wear. The process taken was first to study re-lated literature and its theories and to research museums to find what few traditional HanBok there are and then to compare these findings with new books and personal pieces kept by individuals. We also compared with HanBok children wear now sold at markets. The results of these findings show the fol-lowing conclusions and recommendations: We have found that modern children HanBok utilized the same yellow blouse and red skirt combination as before. These nearly in all cases represented the colors for girls. To most koreans these combination colors are a representation of traditional children wear nat-urally accepted by most koreans without any resistance. Also a definite relation with tra-ditional and modern children wear in the sense of color and shape wear hard to substantiate but we could find harmony between the two. In other words a mixture of modern shapes and traditional colors could be found or vice versa. This is an important factor to be con-sidered when trying to inherit traditional hanBok cuture. Modern times has seen great change in lifestyle feelings and social environ-ment,. In order to create harmony between tra-dition and present day customs a certain mix-ture is required. Therefore we need to maximize traditional flavor and design with present day design emotions. Another issue is that right now children hanBok is only being utilized on a restricted scale. It is a shame that in today's children HanBok that added to the skirt pants and overall wear that the head wear purse and other accessories are not being used. There-fore the HanBok culture especially for the correct succession of children hanBok must refrain from such restricted use of accessories and work to advertise the widespread use of proper Hanbok wear thereby upholding the rightful use of HanBok. As I have mentioned in my other studies it is ones momory of early HanBok wear which greatly affects a grown-up so we should wear hanBok in the right way from an early age and become accustome to its shapes and colors thereby become friendly with traditional HanBok wear. This I believe will lead to overcoming prejudice and disapproval of hanBok and to a more affirm-ative view towards our cultural heritage, Looking from a design point of view inter-national design of a nation's traditional wear can only come from a correct understanding of ones traditions this then becoming a foun-dation for creative design. Seen from these aspects a re-cretion through the meaningful activities of studying traditional shapes and colors of hanBok is the beat way to forming a true HanBok tradition.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.62 no.3
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• pp.137-151
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• 2012

In 1966, $Seokgatap$ pagoda in $Bulguksa$ temple was damaged by the tomb robbers and was dismantled to fix the damage. In the process, many offerings to Buddha and containers for Sarira(the cremated remains) were found in $Sarigong$(specially designated space for the Sarira casket) inside the second floor of the pagoda. Many fabrics like $Geum$, $Neung$(twill), $Rha$(complex gauze), silk tabby and linen were also excavated. In this study, $Geum$ fabric from the $Seokgatap$ was closely examined. $Geum$ of $seokgatap$ is weft-faced compound weave according to the analysis of its weaving pattern which was wrongly presumed as warp-faced compound weave for some time. Technical analysis of $Geum$: Main: silk, Binding: silk, Proportion: 1 main warp to 1 binding warp, Count: 15 main warps and 15 binding warps per centimeter, Weft: polychrome silk without apparent twist, Colors: yellow, mustard yellow, deep blue, green and purple, Weave: weft-faced compound twill, 1/2 S. $Geum$ of $Seokgatap$ was made in the $8^{th}$ century, since it was weaved in weft-faced compound weave twill which was popular in the $8-9^{th}$ century. And also, the arrangement of the colors was done in the same way of gradation $Geum$ silk which was popular in the $7-8^{th}$ C in China and Japan. Third, we restored the pattern of $Geum$ of the Unified Shilla Dynasty for the first time. It was very difficult to figure out the shape and the size of pattern since the fabric was partially lost and ruined. We tried to draw the diagram of structure with the cross point of the warp and the weft to restore the pattern. By doing so, we could identify two kinds of small flower pattern, palmette and the pattern of repeating vines. Fourth, we could infer that the $Geum$ of $Seokgatap$ was used for $geumdae$(a pouch made of $geum$) by analyzing all the documents and the characteristics of the fabric.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.44-65
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• 2018

This study examined the costumes of the characters in the painting titled Hig yongru Banghwoedo, which was designated as National Treasure No. 1879 in September 2015, and is currently kept in the Dongguk University Museum. The painting depicts a social gathering of Joseon aristocrats held at the higyongru, or watch tower, of the Gwangjumok, a government office, in 1567. It is characterized by the delicate illustration of the government officials, the main characters of the gathering, and the hyangri, ajeon, najang, chorye, akgong, and yeogi, the lower-class employees of the office. In order to investigate the costumes they wore, diverse materials including literature, costume artifacts, and paintings were used as reference sources. The scope of the study was limited to the characters' headdress and gown, and the accessories attached to the former. The study of men's clothing revealed that officials wore a samo and a red dalryeong as basic attire. In addition, it is presumed that they wore a belt indicating their official rank in the hierarchy, and a pair of black shoes. Retired officials wore a heuklip wrapped in horsehair or silk fabric with a red jing-nyeong and a doah. The hyangri wore a heukjukbanglip on their head, as well as a white jing-nyeong and a belted doah. In the Goryeo period, the banglip was a type of official headdress worn by members of the aristocratic elite ranked immediately below the king, but in Joseon it was demoted as the official headgear of the hyangri class, which was confirmed through Higyongru Banghwoedo. The ajeon wore a heuklip on their head, and a white jing-nyeong and a doah at the waist. As a rule, the najang wore a chogun on the head, and a banbieui on cheolrik and chungmokdai, but the najang in Higyongru Banghwoedo are depicted wearing a chogun and a cheolrik without a banbieui. Also, the chorye wore a heuklip wrapped in hemp cloth with a red cheolrik, whereas the akgong wore a somoja and a red cheolrik. Female entertainers, both adults and children, are depicted in the painting as either serving the aristocrats, dancing, or playing a musical instrument, wearing their hair in a voluminous, round, high bun, and dressed in a red daiyo, a hwangjangsam with a straight or reclined collar, and a belt. Notably, the donggi, i.e. young gisaeng, are shown wearing their hair in two short braids, and ddressed in a red gown with a y-shaped collar, or po.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.345-352
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to analyze on the textile used for book covers of "Gukgiboksiksoseon" and "Boepboksajeolboksaek", and slipcase of these books kept in the Oryundae Korean Martyrs Museum in Busan. These records are estimated to be written by Gyeongbin Kim(1831-1907), who was a royal concubine of 24th King Heonjong (reign 1834~1849) of the Joseon Dynasty. The cover textile of slipcase and two books are investigated to be silks by the FT-IR. The cover textile of slipcase is flower patterned satin with silver thread and the cover textile of two books are green and red with Su characters and bat patterned satin. The blackish part of pattern of slipcase is investigated by silver thread by FE-SEM-EDAX. Moreover, by the dye analysis, berberine, brazilin, and carthamin are detected from the cover textile of "Boepboksajeolboksaek". It is indicated that it was dyed with an amur cork-tree, a sappanwood, and a safflower. And rutin which is the main dyestuff of the sophora flower of the pagoda tree was detected from the yellow thread of the cover textile of slipcase.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.141-154
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• 2016

The gilt-bronze decorated bamboo mudguards with heavenly horse design excavated in 1973 at Cheonma Tomb of Shilla are the unprecedented relics in Korean history as it has its original structure. Although the bamboo mudguards were excavated in not only Cheonma Tomb, but also in Geumgwanchong and Geumryeongchong, all of them remains into pieces. In addition, there are no exact data related with its structure and manufacturing technique. The report deals with the manufacturing technique of the bamboo mudguards with heavenly horse design excavated in Cheonma Tomb through the naked eye's observation, X-Ray Fluorescence, and Transmission X-rays analysis etc. Bamboo mudguards basically have the three divided structure with central-focus structure of a radiation style. And the mudguards consists of Bratticing gilt-bronze, fabric, and bamboo plates together, as ornamental fringe of 4 plates. The surface of the gilt bronze plates was decorated with a variety of workmanship and pendant. Bamboo plates have a waved pattern by using about three hundred bamboo bark. Two types of textiles were mainly found in the textile plates, and the leather were partially found. In order to combine all plates together, gilt-bronze bottonhead, pendant decoration, and ornamental fringe were used. It would be helpful to study bamboo mudguards during 5th-6th centuries in Shilla period and basis investigations of Geumgwanchong and Geumryeongchong excavations.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-27
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• 2012

In the Chosun period, the noble class usually buried the dead bodies in the lime-covered tomb. Recently their costumes are excavated while maintaining the shape. However, the textiles discovered from the inside have been degradated by a body and moisture. To conserve these textiles one of the most important thing is how to clean these textiles right after the excavation. The purpose of this study is to examine the effects of wet cleaning to minimize the color change of textile remains. For this purpose, silk and cotton were dyed with natural dyes (7 red, 1 blue, 6 yellow, 4 green and 4 purple colors), then they were kept for 6 months with pork meat at $10^{\circ}C$, and were washed by four cleaning solutions (water, anionic surfactant (SDS), non-ionic surfactant (Triton X-100) and natural surfactant (saponin)) at $20^{\circ}C$ and $40^{\circ}C$. The color change was evaluated by color difference (${\Delta}E$) between non-treated and after washed samples. From the results, it was found that the color changes are significantly different depending on the washing temperature, textile material, the cleaning agents and the type of dyes.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.241-260
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• 1995

The Maori's traditional clothing materials, basic forms of dress, and the pattern and technique of tatoo were examined in the present study in order to deepen the appreciation of the cultural heritage of the Maori. The research method employed was the analysis of written materials. And a fild-trip was also made for the study. The study was limitted to the traditional culture of body adornment of the Maori including the clothing which is preserved and practicing by them at the present day, and the origin and the process of the historical development of those are not included in the scope of the present study. Followings are the results of the study: (1) By far the most widely used fiber for Maori clothing is abtained from what is commonly called New Zealand Flax. The fiber of kiekie(Freycinetia baueriana) and cabbage trees(Cordyline spp.) may also be used. The strong, long-lasting fiber of toi(cordyline indivisa) is used for a prestige warrior's cloak. Flat strips of ti kauka(Cordyline australi) are also used as thatch on rain cloaks. (2) Regardless of technique used, Maori weaving is always worked horizontally from left to right. Traditionally the work was suspended between two upright turuturu or weaving sticks. As the work progressed a second pair of uprights was used to keep the work off the ground. These uprights were moved forward as required. Because the weaver sat on the ground, the working edge was kept at a height that was comfortable to reach. No weaving tools are used, the wefts(aho) being manipulated by the fingers. The two main Maori weaving techniques are whatu aho patahi(single-pair twining) and whatu aho rua(double-pair twining). (3) The Maori wore two basic garments - a waist met and a cloak. The cloth of commoners were of plain manufacture, while those of people of rank were superior, sometimes being decorated with feather or dyed tags and decorated borders. Children ran more-or-less naked until puberty, being dressed only for special events. Some working dress consisted of nothing more than belts with leaves thrust under them. Chiefs and commoners usually went barefoot, using rough sandals on journeys over rough country (4) The adornment of men and women of rank was an important matter of tribal concern as it was in chiefly persons that prestige of the group was centred, The durable items of Maori persons adornment were either worn or carried. Ornaments of various kinds were draped about the neck or suspended from pierced earlobes. Combs decorated the head. Personal decorations not only enhanced the appearance of men and women, but many had protective magical function. The most evident personal ornament was the hei-tiki made of jade or other material. Maori weapons were treasured by their owners. They served on bottle and were also personal regalia. A man of rank was not fully dressed without a weapon in hand. Also weapons were essential to effective oratory. (5) No man or woman of rank went without some tattoo adornment except in extremely rare instances when a person was too sacred to have any blood shed. The untattooed were marked as beeing commoners of no social standing. This indelible mark of rank was begun, with appropriate rite and ritual, at puberty. And tattoo marked the person as being of a marriageable age. Maori tattoo was unlike most traditional tattoo in that its main line were 'engraved' on the face with deep cuts made by miniature bone chisels. The fill-in areas were not tattooed with cuts but with the multiple pricks of small bone 'combs' that only lightly penetrated the skin surface. The instrument of tattoo consisted of small pots of pumice or wood into which was placed a wetted black pigment made from burnt kauri gum, burnt vegetable caterpillars or other sooty materials. A bird bone chisel or comb set at right angles on a short wooden handle was dipped into the gigment, that a rod or stick was used to tap head of this miniature adze, causing penetration of the skin surface. Black pigment lodged under the skin took on a bluish tinge. A full made facial tattoo consisted of major spirals with smaller spirals on each side of the nose and sweeping curved lines radiating out from between the brows over the forehead and from the nose to the chin. The major patterns were cut deep, while the secondary koru patterns were lightly pricked into the skin.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.25
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• pp.253-289
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• 2012

Dasiraegi is a traditional funeral rite performance of Jindo located in the South Jeolla Province of South Korea. With its unique stylistic structure including various dances, songs and witty dialogues, and a storyline depicting the birth of a new life in the wake of death, embodying the Buddhism belief that life and death is interconnected; it attracted great interest from performance organizers and performers who were desperately seeking new contents that can be put on stage as a performance. It is needless to say previous research on Dasiraegi had been most valuable in its recreation as it analyzed the performance from a wide range of perspectives. Despite its contributions, the previous researches were mainly academic focusing on: the symbolic meanings of the performance, basic introduction to the components of the performance such as script, lyrics, witty dialogue, appearance (costume and make-up), stage properties, rhythm, dance and etc., lacking accurate representation of the most crucial element of the performance which is sori (song). For this reason, the study analyzes the music of Dasiraegi and presents its musical characteristics along with its scores to provide practical support for performers who are active in the field. Out of all the numbers in Dasiraegi, this study analyzed all of Geosa-nori and Sadang-nori, the funeral dirge (mourning chant) sung as the performers come on stage and Gasangjae-nori, because among the five proceedings of the funeral rite they were the most commonly performed. There are a plethora of performance recordings to choose from, however, this study chose Jindo Dasiraegi, an album released by E&E Media. The album offers high quality recordings of performances, but more importantly, it is easy to obtain and utilize for performers who want to learn the Dasiraegi based on the script provided in this study. The musical analysis discovered a number of interesting findings. Firstly, most of the songs in Dasiraegi use a typical Yukjabaegi-tori which applies the Mi scale frequently containing cut-off (breaking) sounds. Although, Southern Kyoung-tori which applies the Sol scale was used, it was only in limited parts and was musically incomplete. Secondly, there was no musical affinity between Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi albeit both are for funeral rites. The fundamental difference in character and function of Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi may be the reason behind this lack of affinity, as Ssitgim-gut is sung to guide the deceased to heaven by comforting him/her, whereas, Dasiaregi is sung to reinvigorate the lives of the living. Lastly, traces of musical grammar found in Pansori are present in the earlier part of Dasiraegi. This may be attributed to the master artist (Designee of Important Intangible Cultural Heritage), who was instrumental in the restoration and hand-down of Dasiaregi, and his experience in a Changgeuk company. The performer's experience with Changgeuk may have induced the alterations in Dasiraegi, causing it to deviate from its original form. On the other hand, it expanded the performative bais by enhancing the performance aspect of Dasiraegi allowing it to be utilized as contents for Performing Arts. It would be meaningful to see this study utilized to benefit future performance artists, taking Dasiraegi as their inspiration, which overcomes the loss of death and invigorates the vibrancy of life.