• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.37-63
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• 2002

The previous study has assumed that dialogue and debate could not have been activated by the hierachical Confucian norm and political authoritarianism in Korean society. Political democracy has developed in Korean society since 1987. But many observers have pointed out that the culture of debate still remained undeveloped in Korean society. This study assumes that the key factor of determining the quantity and frequency of debate is the polilitical factor such as authoritarianism, but the determining one of qualitative dimension such as debate competence derived from the epistemological tradition. In order to ascertian this hypothesis, this study explored the epistemological basis of Confucian thoughts in comparison with the classical Greek thoughts. In classical Greek society, philosophers considered that the purpose of debate is to find and to ascertain the truth. Bur Confucian scholors didn't look upon questioning the truth. Instead they considered practicing or doing of the truth worthful. Therefore, in a society which were much influenced by the Confucian thought, the culture of debate could not have been developed.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.469-496
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• 2009

Ding Shihan(styled Yutan; 丁時翰, 愚潭) was famous for his four-seven differentiation(四七辨證) on the area of neo-Confucianism. Yet few comments and criticism were made on his poetry, for rarely of which was handed down from generations. Hence there is a mystry on his talent in terms of poetics. Noted by Zhou Dunyi(styled Lianxi; 周敦頤, 濂溪) and Zhuxi(styled Hui'an; 朱熹, 晦庵) in Song Dynasty, most of neo-Confucianism scholars after them were expert at intoning and thus formed the poetic school of "Elegance of Lian-Luo"(濂洛風雅). Therefore, there is also a mystry on how his poetry related to his works of neo-Cunfucianism. During his whole life, Ding never involved himself in politics as an official. He read Confucian classics a lot, and was also proficient in classics of Buddhism and Taoism. In addition, he was fond of travelling in nature. A superfical conclustion is made based on these situation that his thoughts was closely linked with Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism. Therefore, it is worth elaborating whether his thoughts belonged to Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism, and whether he was a pure Confucian( 醇儒) through his whole life.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.7-13
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• 2009

This article conducted an pilot study on Lee Gyu-Jun(李圭晙)'s life and thoughts. He championed, and is mainly based on, old annotations of ancient Confucian bibles古文 that were made in the Han漢 and Tang唐 era in Chinese history and consequently took additionally into account Zuxi朱熹's annotations on Confucian bibles. This cause big trouble to him in conservative Gyeong Shang Province(嶺南). He participated in the Confucian Religion Movement孔敎運動 and proposed constitutional monarchy as a new polity fit for changing Korean history. He closely interacted with many resistants to the Japanese rule of Korea and had a mixed perspective on Western culture, science and technology, and social system, positive or negative, contingent on cases. He made great footprints in the history of both modern Korean medicine and philosophy. Thus there is an urgent need for the overall study on Lee Gyu-Jun in every aspect.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.38
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• pp.126-152
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• 1999

The social welfare system in modern world is generally recognized as the most effective measure against the social problems in capitalist societies. When a social welfare program is introduced to solve a social problem, however, it used to cause another new problem at the same time. In order to overcome this circularity, we need to consider not only quantitative but also the qualitative aspect of social welfare. In line with this problematic, this thesis tries to examine the social welfare thoughts in Confucianism in order to rethink the meaning of social welfare. In contrast to the modern social welfare as a social right, the social welfare in Confucianism was basically regarded as the grace of a king whose purpose was to legitimate his domination. But it was also based upon Confucian humanism and institutionalized into the Confucian govern mentality. It was practiced through the Confucian communality whose basic concept lies in the traditional family system. The social welfare in this society was to be fulfilled automatically by promoting the production and by consolidating the solidarity of the community. The social intervention, therefore, was principal1y indirect and preventive rather than direct and postfactum. The social welfare supports in Confucian societies included not only the material but also the psychological. In these senses, it sounds like that the Confucian welfare system reached the very high standard. Although the real practice should be cautiously differentiated from its ideal state, we may find interesting implications from the social welfare thoughts in Confucianism.

• Journal of Oriental Neuropsychiatry
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.101-122
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• 1998

As a result I get the fallowing conclusions;1. Oriental medicine and confucianism have similar point about heart because oriental medicine and confucianism have same philosophical backing 2. Oriental physitian read the books complated by confucianism by confuncianism physitian because racial characterristics are based on confucian thoughts, and my race make much of the heart. So to use confucian thought to phychotheraphy need to study confucian In(仁) thought.3. Thought that oriental medicine refers man as small university and thought that man and heaven are same based on the ethical doctrine that man's inborn nature is good are same connection. but oriental medical aim is agreement external features of man with university, confucian aim is agreement heart of man with university4. Confucianism will be used in phychotheraphy because phychotheraphy require close relationship between psychiatrist and patient and confucianism gives importance to man's relationship5. Oriental medical phychotheraphy deal prevention and cure at same time, but, confucianism deal prevention entirely. so confucianist target a saint by training at ordinary times.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.81-93
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• 1995

Landscape Style would take various influences in general. In that of Korean Palaces religious thinking has been caused he most important factor. This conceptual attitude has been derived from Confucian philosophies and the doctrines of Taoism, the realm of ideas that had constituted the schema of culture through long times in the Orient. This paper has dealt with the influences of one's outlook on the universe, antropocentricism, and on the relationships of man and nature in those two major teachings upon the landscape style of palaces in Chosun Dynasty. The Confucian philosophies and the doctrines of Taoism in Taosim in palaces would be summarized as followings: 1. The composition of exterior spaces had been understood as a place for moral training and political morality in the world view of Confucious. 2. The view point on court circle with plants and trees had directed to the influences of beauty upon the human spirit, and it is clear in naming attitude. 3. The composition type of void and solid in palaces would focused on the completion of Confucian thoughts totally, and the method of a unit space is same. 4. The double symbolic ideas could be find out in the components of exterior space; one is Confucian in phenomena, the other is Taoism in meaning. This can be cleared in Pangji(方池), layout of natural features, and in planting methods. As a conclusion, the common spiritual base in landscape architecture of Korean old palaces can be understood as two major thinkings; Confucian philosophies and the doctrines of Taoism.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.255-281
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• 2017

This study examines the ways in which Confucianism developed in connection with other thoughts. Mythology especially had an great impact on the formation of Confucian thoughts. This study focuses on the concept of sage and examines how Confucianism and mythological thoughts influenced on formation and reformation of the concepts. In ancient religion, sages as a hierophantic figure, mediates human beings and gods, delivering the gods' messages to the human and the human's wishes to the gods. The fused role of shaman and ruler began to separate. A new type of leader without political power, but with a religious role with a moral authority is the Confucian concept of sage. A sage in Confucianism is an ideal person like Confucius, Mencius, and Xunzi, an ordinary person can attain with effort. Anyone can become a sage in Confucianism. The early Confucian sage was more like a hyper-human with unaccessible authority in mythology. Later, a sage in Confucianism began to be described as a model figure that any human being can become. The aspect of shamans and diviners (wushi 巫師) did not disappear, but merged into a kingly power and transformed into a sage-king with moral authority. The new images are reflected in Confucian ideology of statehood or its religiosity. This study has explored the ways in which Confucianism and mythological thoughts interacted and influenced to each other through a concept of sage as an ideal personhood.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.43-46
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• 2010

Dong-Eui-Bo-Gam is a general medical literature, writing by Korea physician Xujun, who makes reference of Chinese medical literatures, Taoist literatures, historical records, Confucian literatures and so forth prior Ming Dynasty. It coveres many fields, such as medical theory, etiology, pulse theory, herb, prescription, internal medicine, surgery, gynecology, pediatrics, acupuncture, regimen, YunQi and so forth. Dong-Eui-Bo-Gam combines medical science and many others, using clustering arrangements, fully reflects Xujun's academic thoughts, and his rich clinical experiences.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.71-103
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• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• Review of Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.47-52
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• 2015