• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.60-77
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• 2021

From 2007 to 2011, four Goryeo Dynasty vessels, namely the Taean treasure ship, Taean Mado Shipwreck No.1, No.2, No.3 were discovered in Taean area, Chungcheongnam-do province. From the shipwrecks, 175 pieces of mokkan (wooden tablet) were excavated. These mokkans are the only case of Goryeo Dynasty and represent the unique usage of mokkan as cargo tags, after the paper replaced the wooden tablets as writing materials. The Taean mokkans provide details, such as the year, recipient, port of origin, types of the cargo, quantity and unit, the name of the responsible person for shipment. Thus, they enable us to speculate about the characteristics of the cargo. Furthermore, through studying the writing style, form, material and manufacturing method, researchers can extract which form and characteristics were favored at that time. The Taean mokkans have no preset style for writing. Therefore, they can be written selectively and freely. And since the mokkan were attached to cargos, mokkans with furrows on upper side were favored, and efficiency and simplification of the manufacturing process were priorities in making mokkans. The Taean mokkans can be compared to those from the Shinan ship and the Quanzhou ship because those are of the same era and use. On the writing styles and information, Chinese mokkans are focused on the cargo owners, while The Taean mokkan includes more detailed information, such as the recipients. In forms, Chinese mokkans have maximum thickness of 1.0 centimeter and have pointed edges in lower parts, while mokkans from Taean do not have fixed thickness or edges. Furthermore, Chinese mokkans and Korean mokkans have different styles from manufacturing methods and material selections. These differences between Chinese and Goryeo mokkan are related to the differences between littoral-transport Goryeo ships and ocean-transport Chinese ships, such as shipping distances, types of cargo, shipping systems, packing methods, and transport operators. At the moment, because there are only small amount of data and materials of Chinese mokkan, comparative studies regarding Goryeo and Chinese mokkan can only be fragmentary. However, this article can be a base from which to expand the scope of Goryeo mokkan studies.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.104-121
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist art in Jeju which has rarely been in the mainstream discussions about the Korean art by focusing on the statues of Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune. The Buddhist art in Jeju reached its heyday during the late phase of the Goryeo period (918-1392). The imperial court of Yuan (1271-1368) established Beophwasa, one of its guardian temples which was also a "complementary temple" of Goryeo (918-1392). In 1296, the community of monks based in Myoryeonsa Temple published the Jeju edition of the Buddhist canon granted by the royal court of Goryeo, contributing to the foundation of the island's academic culture. Other items representing the heyday of the Buddhist art of Jeju include the Vajra Guardian carved on the greenschist pagoda of Sujeongsa Temple built during the late Goryeo period and the Five-story Stone Pagoda of Bultapsa Temple made from the locally obtained basalt rock during the early $14^{th}$ century. The Buddhist art of Jeju during the Joseon period (1392-1910) is represented by Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune, a pair of stone statues of Maitreya Buddha carved to feature three aspects of the Maitreya worship spread among the local folks in the period. Each of the statues is in a peaked cap and official's robe and characterized by bulging eyes comparable to those of the Buddhist guardian deities such as the Vajra guardian who were designed to protect a sacred area against evil forces. The Maitreya statues provide valuable sources of knowledge about the types of Maitreya adopted by the worshippers of local folk religion in the Joseon period. The Jabok Mireuk statues in Jeju can be easily compared with the Two Rock-carved Standing Buddhas in Yongmi-ri, Paju (1471), and the two standing stone Buddhas in Daeseongsa Temple in Okcheon (ca 1491) and on the Sipsinsa Temple site in Gwangju in that they all wear peaked caps in the "treasure canopy" style which gained popularity during the early Joseon period. One may conclude then that these statues are related with the Neo-Confucian elites who wanted the Joseon dynasty they established to prosper under the auspices of the Buddha of the Future. Interestingly, the enshrinement of the stone Buddha of Daeseongsa Temple is presumed to have been participated by Yuk Han who had served as the Governor (Moksa) of Jeju, suggesting its connection with the Jabok Mireuk despite the regional difference in their style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.78-103
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• 2016

This research is a study on the side framework structure of the hipped and gable roof of Muryangsujeon at Buseoksa Temple. There is a record that Muryangsujeon was deconstructed and repaired in the period of Japanese Occupancy, and its authenticity has continuously been called into question because the structure of the hipped and gable side roofs, and the bonding of the rafters and eaves were not in good order and very different from those of Joseon Dynasty. Scholars date it differently. It is either dated at 13th century or 12th century. This study compares the non-planar configuration of the middle and front proportions of Muryangsujeon's hipped-and-gable-roof framework with those of the Tang(唐) and Song(宋) Dynasties in China. It concludes that the hipped-and-gable-roof framework of those architecture were built with the same technique. The style of architecture that side rafters directly touch the internal security (梁), like in Muryangsujeon, is not usual even among the hipped and garble roofs of the Tang(唐) and Song(宋) Dynasties. The technique of constructing the hipped roofs developed much further after the Tang Dynasty because they began to use garble eaves to build the side structure. The technique seems to have developed greatly by the period of Ming and Qing Dynasties. It also seems that the parallel-flat (平行輻射椽) rafter, which is the form of rafters used between the parallelrafter period and the half-flat-rafter period is very similar to the construction style of the current rafters of Muryangsujeon. However, the Muryangsujeon's eaves do not touch the corner rafter from the middle part. This seems to be a unique style, which is not common in China. In conclusion, the style of the side roof framework of Muryangsujeon at Buseoksa Temple is not of the China's southern regions, but of the northern regions of Tang(唐), Song(宋) and Liao(遼) Dynasties. And when considering the construction year and proportions of the middle front and side front on the same flat, this must be an ancient technique of the northeastern regions of Asia. Since it is likely that the structure of the side roof framework of Muryangsujeon at Buseoksa Temple has not been altered but is a unique style of hipped and gable roofs, this roof can serve as a good guide to restoring the hipped and garble roofs of the pre-Goyreo Dynasty period.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.189-228
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• 2014

The purpose of this research was to summarize Korea and China's researches on Noh and to examine main domain in this field, by investigating the academic books and articles published in two countries. In 1960s, since Nohgaku has been introduced to China, academic articles on Zeami's theories and aesthetics have emphasized on aesthetic characteristics of Chinese plays and Japanese Nohgaku through the similarities of oriental plays. The number of researches on Kabuki is almost twice as that of researches on Noh in China. While most researches on Kabuki were compared with the styles and music of Pecking Opera and the theatrical theories of liyu[李漁], those on Noh has been highlighted the comparative studies on $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$[謠曲], Chinese Noh plays. The main difference among the researches on $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$ in Korea and China was the material regarding characters of Noh. Because song yuanzaju[宋 元雜劇]and Nohgaku in Chinese-Japanese plays were the mature form of the classic plays and those were representative of traditional nation plays, this researches tried to ascertain the cultural origins of two countries regarding the aesthetic characteristics by referencing lyrical and narrative features[曲詞] of yuanzaju[元雜劇]and the classic waka of Nohgaku. While the comparative studies on Noh and song yuanzaju and kunqu[昆劇] in China were prevalent, national researches have emphasized on the inner world of the main character and dramaturgy through the verbal description of Noh. Especially, this research tried to investigate the inner world of the main character and the intention of the writers through the verbal description of Noh authorized in the history of the works. Also, the researches on Buddhism in the Middle Ages and religious background were examined significantly. In addition, the $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$ has influenced on European modern playwrights and the comparative studies between the materials of $Y{\bar{o}}kyoku$ and Western modern plays were concerned. In Korea, the comparative studies on Noh between Korea abd Japan has been most focused on the origin theory of Noh. The fact that appearance theory of Noh had originated from Sangaku was common opinion among Korean, Chinese, and Japanese scholars. However, they are agree with the opinion that according to the formation of the different genres, Noh's mainstream was different among three countries despite of the same origin. Yuan drama and Noh play have the same origin, but different branch. In relation to the Noh's origin theory, there are literature comparative studies in religious background, the studies presumed the origin of instrumental music related to those in mask plays, and the comparative studies between Korean mask plays and $ky{\bar{o}}gen$ of Nohgaku. Kyogen is the Comedy inserted among the stories in Nohgaku performed in just one day. Therefore, $ky{\bar{o}}gen$ must be discussed separately from the relations of 'shite[任手]'s inner action veiled with masks. This research figured out that the lacking points of the two countries' researches were the acting methods of Noh. Academic articles written by foreign scholars studying Korean and Chinese theatres should be included when this issue will be dealt with. In Korea and China, translation studies and writings regarding Nohgaku have studied by those who are major in Japanese literature or oriental literature. This case is the same in Korea in that scholars whose speciality is not theatre, but Japanese literature has studied. Therefore, this present study can give a good grasp of whole tendency on Nohgaku's research in theatre fields.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.172-193
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• 2013

This study examines the production techniques and raw materials shown in the Korean dried-lacquer statues of Buddha through a careful observation of the Seated Dried-lacquer Bodhisattva Statue from the late Goryeo Dynasty which is currently possessed by Okura Museum of Art in Tokyo. As a method of study, the X-ray data and the results from a field survey were combined to analyze the production techniques and the characteristics of raw materials. Based on this analysis, a hypothesis was established on the production process and verified through a reenactment of the actual production process. Then, the characteristics of the techniques applied to each process and the raw materials were recorded in detail. Specifically, the dried lacquer techniques and the raw materials were estimated based on the results of naked-eye observation in comparison with the literature, especially the records of "Xiu Shi Lu" written by Huang Cheng of the Ming Dynasty which is considered as 'the textbook of lacquer techniques.' The raw materials used in the production of the traditional Korean lacquerware inlaid with mother-of-pearl were also referenced. As a result, it was found that the features of production techniques and the raw materials found in the Statue at Okura Museum of Art have many similarities with those of the Seated Dried-lacquer Statue of Lohan (Arhat) from Yuanfu 2 Nian Ming (1098) of the Song Dynasty which is currently at the Honolulu Museum of Art. In particular, the similarities include that the interior of the statue being vacant because the clay and the wood core were not replaced after being removed from the prototype, that the complete form was made in the clay forming stage to apply the lacquer with baste fiber fabric, that the clay and the wood core were removed through the bottom of the statue, and that the modeling stage was omitted and the final coat over the statue is very thin. Additionally, decorating with ornaments like Bobal and Youngrak made of plastic material was a technique widely popular in the Song Dynasty, suggesting that the Seated Dried-lacquer Bodhisattva Statue in Okura Museum of Art was greatly affected by the production techniques of the Dried-lacquer Buddha Statue from the Song Dynasty. There is no precise record on the origin and history of the Korean Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues and the number of existing works is also very limited. Even the records in "Xuanhe Fengshi Gaoli Tujing" that tells us about the origin of the Dried-lacquer Buddha Statue from the Yuan Feng Period (1078~1085) do not indicate the time of transmission. It is also difficult to trace the clear route of transmission of production techniques through existing Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues. Fortunately, this study could at least reveal that the existing Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues of Korea, including the one at Okura Museum of Art, have applied the production techniques rather differently from those used in the production of Japanese Datsukatsu Dried-lacquer Buddha Statues that have been known as the standard rule in making dried-lacquer statues of Buddha for a long time.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.4-23
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• 2015

In the Buddhist paintings of the four devas, there is a change in the paper material of V aisravana(多聞天) in the early Joseon Dynasty. Until Goryeo Dynasty, Damuncheonwang, who holds a tower(塔) on the right side of Buddha was changed to the form which holds a mandolin(琵琶) in the early Joseon Dynasty. This change was first checked in Byeonsangdo in the Yuan period "The Avatamska Sutra(大方廣佛華嚴經, 1330~1336)", however the actual paper material change in the Buddhist painting is found first as a mural at the Tibetan temples, Cheolbangsa(哲蚌寺), Odunsa(吳屯寺), Baekgeosa(白居寺), which showed the change of tower which Vaisravaṇa held into mongoose. In Joseon Dynasty, also, new distribution of the four devas appeared first, which showed the change of paper material in the first floor roof-stones of Wongaksaji sipcheung seoktap, . However, the position of the four devas which held a tower and a mandolin consistently appear in the Buddhist paintings in the early Joseon Dynasty by mixing on the left and the right. This means the possibility that the paper material and the position of the four devas might be flexible in the early Joseon Dynasty. Just like reflecting this, painting image of the four devas in illustration of "saddharma-pundari-ka-$s{\bar{u}}tra$(Ming 1432, National Museum of Korea)" and illustration of "Jebulsejonyeorae-bosaljonjamyeongching-gagok(제불세존여래 보살존자명칭가곡, 1417)" has opposite position from each other. Therefore, the phenomenon in the Buddhist paintings of the early Joseon had a transitional characteristic which did not secure the fixed form of painting image by illustration of two copies where paper materials of the four devas were different, which characteristic can be said to be the characteristic of art in the transitional period.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.309-336
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• 2011

There were various linking points that connect Li xue(Neo-Confucianism) to aesthetics in Song Dynasty as following. 1. The traditional moral as "pursuing pleasure of Kong-zi and Yan Hui" 2. Esteem of "life and vitality". Scholars of Li xue in Song regarded the pleasure of acting up to "benevolence" as a beauty, and this benevolence originated in the "heaven and earth; the universe". "Benevolence", that is to say, is name of the nature that continuous reproduction breed in an endless succession by "Yin-Yang the universe", thus the natural "life and vitality" of the "heaven and earth" as the matter of course is the perfect beauty. 3. An idea of "serene contemplation". Originally the "serene contemplation" belongs to discipline of "Li xue", however simultaneously this conception was entirely applicable to aesthetic point of view. 4. Cosmological consciousness. In the same manner, the "pleasure" which is moralistic and moreover aesthetic is indivisible from cosmic contemplation itself. Because of this point, the art and aesthetics of Song Dynasty self-consciously had the cosmological consciousness in its fullness. 5. Respect of beauty of nature. Scholars of "Li xue" considered as : no matter what "Li" or "Qi" that producing all things is "coming of itself", that is by no means artificially operated or prearranged in advance. Such standpoint was applied to creative art and made art of Song Dynasty esteem beauty of nature (coming of itself) exceedingly. 6. Laying stress on "disposition". Scholars of "Li xue" ordinarily valued much of "disposition of a sage", consequently this tendency influenced on aesthetics. "disposition" indicates the whole impression that one who has appearance and the inside(personality, temper, thought, etc.) gives to others. By putting that impression into practice of art and literature, it is to materialize the works of art as a unity of form and subject, also as an expression of human existence that breathed into one's sensibility on the whole. 7. Principles of "completing inquiry", "study the laws of nature by close access" of "Li xue". These principles made art and literature of Song Dynasty take a serious view of "Li" of all over the universe, so made them close investigate things, and after all have achieved very remarkable characteristic in art and literature, especially in paintings of Song Dynasty. Theory of painting in Song Dynasty had occupied considerably high position in Chinese aesthetic history. It was positively superior to former generations no matter what in quantity or in theoretical minuteness and its systematic level. Undoubtedly the Chinese theory of painting had been achieving development time after time since Song Dynasty. However if we could make a comparison it with every single period (ex. Yuan, Ming, and Qing Dynasties), there is no prominent period than Song Dynasty in theory of paintings. Song period had number of essays of Landscape painting.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.85-110
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• 2022

This study investigates the production and use, development of Buncheongsagisang-gamunryongmunho, focusing on Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) in the early the Joseon Dynasty. The Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) which is the size of a large bottle as high as 50cm is a form of stability to have gorgeous decorativeness with the inlaid and stamped pattern. The Buncheongsagisanggamunryongmunho is the Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) used for Flower Vessels(花樽) at Royal Ritual in King Sejong(世宗) era. In the 1420s and 1430s, made in Premium ceramic factory of Sangju-mok, it is Blue and white porcelain in reference to dragon and cloud patterns in the Yuan and Ming Dynasties in aspects of shapes and patterns, to the inlaid Celadon in the period of Late Goryeo Dynasty in aspects of patterns, and to Joseon porcelain in aspects of shapes and decoration techniques. The Joseon Royal family found out the appropriateness of the founding of the dynasty and the base for the system of civilization from Ming dynasty, to follow Ming dynasty by choosing white porcelains as the King's vessel. Jars passed down from Emperor Ming served as a standard for Royal Ritual Jars, to use Blue and White Porcelain Jar with dragon and cloud patterns as Flower Vessels(花樽) and Liquor Vessels(酒樽) for ages. Consequently, the Buncheong Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) as Royal Ritual Jar had been used till 1430's when Blue and white porcelain Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(靑花雲龍白磁酒海) was passed down from Emperor Ming, Xuande Emperor(宣德帝), only to lose its Meaning and Use as the Royal Jar with dragon and cloud patterns(龍樽) during the early Joseon Period gradually.

• The Journal of the Society of Stroke on Korean Medicine
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.16-23
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• 2011

Object : The purpose of this study is to observe the changes of symptoms and signs diagnosised by differentiation of the pattern identification in stroke patients. Methods : Seventy subjects were recruited from patients with stroke within ten days of onset. We chose twenty-nine subjects diagnosised as same differentiation of the pattern identification, and who had at least on follow up session. We had investigated change of symptoms and signs diagnosised by differentiation of the pattern identification. Results : There were five symptoms and signs (thick fur, dry fur, difficult defecation, heat vexation and aversion to heat, normal pulse) and ten (heavy-headedness, frequency of defecation, hard defecation, feel heavy, slippery pulsem, dry mouth, bitter taste in the mouth, feel lazy, look lazy) symptoms and signs that were statistically significant improved in fire-heat patterns and dampness-phlegm pattern, respectively. Conclusions : This study provides evidence that collaborative treatment is effective in improving some symptoms and signs in acute ischemic stroke patients diagnosised by fire-heat pattern and dampness-phlegm pattern. Further studies with larger scale, longer observation period would be required.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.64-78
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• 2023

This article examines the background and meaning of the construction of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju, by Seolsan Cheonhee(1307~1382) in the late 14th century through the characteristics of the hall's mural. Six guardian deities(the Four Heavenly Kings in the center, Indra and Brahma on each side of the kings) are depicted on the southern wall(location of the entrance) of the Josadang, facing the statue of the great monk Uisang(625~702 AD) on the north wall. This mural is the oldest among Korean temple murals and exhibits very unique characteristics. In general, scenes from the scriptures are depicted on the back wall of the central statue. In contrast, the Josadang mural depicts only the guardian deities facing the main statue with no scene description. The appearance of the deities, who seem to protect the main statue of the monk Uisang, and their expressions, as if drawn from relief statues, are not seen in other murals. Nevertheless, it is similar to the stupas of the Seon(Ch. Chan 禪) sect monks established from the late Silla(57 BC~935 AD) through early Goryeo(918~1392 AD), with guardian deities on their surface. The iconography of the deities is a classic form of the late Silla to early Goryeo. The fact that the Josadang was built to commemorate Uisang, who founded the Korean Hwaeom sect(Ch. Huayan sect, 華嚴宗), and that guardians were placed to protect Uisang's statue reveals the concept of worship for the monk who founded the sect. As a result, the reason Cheonhee built the hall can also be understood as an extension of the ideology behind the construction of the stupas of the Seon sect monks. The problem, however, is that Cheonhee is a monk of the Hwaeom sect, and Buseoksa is a representative temple of the Hwaeom sect, not the Seon sect. Therefore, to better understand the background of the hall's construction, this article examined the situation of Goryeo Buddhism in the 14th century as well as the activities of Seolsan Cheonhee. Since Ganhwa Seon(Ch. Kanhua Chan, 看話禪) was dominant in the 14th century, Cheonhee went to study in the Yuan Dynasty(1271~1368 AD) at the age of 58 and was approved by Chinese Ganhwaseon monks before taking the position of Guksa(國師 national monk). However, he was eventually pushed to Buseoksa Temple, where he worked hard to rebuild it. Cheonhee most likely sought to expand the Hwaeom sect, which had been shrinking compared to the Seon sect, by enhancing power with the reconstruction of Buseoksa. The desire that the Hwaeom sect, which was losing its power due to the rise of the Seon sect in the 14th century, attempted to develop it by building Josadang hall, is well revealed by the Josadang murals.