• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.110-130
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• 2023

New years' rites serve a religious function to wish for well-being during the year by bidding farewell to the previous year and welcoming the next. In Japan, in mid-December, to welcome Toshigami, kadomatsu, and shimenawagazari are prepared, as well as osechi ryori to be eaten at the beginning of the year. On New Year's Day, people go to shrines and bow to the gods while saying Hatsumode (初詣). On the fifteenth day of the first month, in the course of a rite called Dondoyaki, all the decorations used in the first month and the amulet used in the previous year are burned. In Korea, when the Lunar New Year approaches, people prepare for their ancestral rites and clean their houses. On the first day of the new year, people hold ancestral rites for their ancestors. There are many different seasonal rites, taking place from the beginning of the year to the full moon. In China, Danwonban (團圓飯), in which the whole family sits together and eats on New Year's Eve, is important. Lights are brightly lit up all night, and the sound of firecrackers outside rings out loudly. On the door, the word chun-ryun is attached to wish for prosperity in the new year. According to the cycle of the four seasons, the first lunar month contains a high proportion of the seasonal rites that are repeated every year. The first month represents the beginning of a year, and various rituals are performed in order to wish for good health and abundance during the coming year. In addition, the "folk religious world view" is integral to annual new years' rites, so it is not difficult to understand the religious character and structure of the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese annual ceremonies. This study examines the current status of annual new years' rites in Korea, China, and Japan, and how the rites are structured according to the inflection points in the year. In addition, religious characteristics are reviewed in terms of gods, predictions, and fertility prayers, exorcisms, health, and restoration. In this way, it can be seen that various religious elements such as shamanism, agricultural faith, ancestor worship, Shintoism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism can be witnessed in the annual new years' rites of Korea, China, and Japan. In addition, differences in the presence or absence of these are shown to depend on the country.

• The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.545-552
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• 2008

This study is attempt to develop for Korean traditional food data integration system with food database. We are collected all kinds of traditional Korean foods, and referred to document and classified according to food types and cooking methods. Also we are classified 6 types of traditional Korean foods as follows: traditional common, royal, local, festival, rites, and Buddhist temple foods, And we integrate all of that databases for using a specialist or not. We researched for Korean traditional food by cooking type and planed organization for the standardized code and construction for database of Korean traditional foods. It was combined all of them, constructed for Korean traditional food data integration system. Korean traditional foods are classified with 10 provinces local foods, 18 festival foods by seasonal divisions reflecting traditional Korean holidays; and 9 classes rites foods. Korean traditional food using a traditional Korean food classification system was investigated a total of 7,289 kinds foods according to food types. those were 2,585 kinds traditional common foods, 142 kinds of royal foods, 2,137 kinds of local foods, 515 kinds of festival foods, 403 kinds of rites foods, and 1,507 kinds of Buddhist temple foods. And Korean traditional foods included 980 kinds of main dishes, 4,456 kinds of side dishes, 873 kinds of tteok lyou, 515 kinds of hangwa lyou and 465 kinds of emchong lyou. It is therefore recommended that knowledge of traditional Korean foods be preserving and develop their excellence and to further studies.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.32 no.6
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• pp.498-512
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• 2017

The aim of this study was to introduce the foods recorded in "Bongjeopyoram", a cookbook, of which the date of production and author are unknown. This was described in an old document belonging to the Hansan Lee family clan from Chungcheongnam-do and revealed its content and significance in the food culture history of Korea to academia for the first time, A close examination of "Bongjeopyoram" showed that, as with other cookbooks from the Joseon Dynasty, it started with methods of making alcoholic beverages. This was followed by recipes for different types of food in the following order: rice cakes and confectioneries, jeol-sik (seasonal foods), daily meals, foods made for jesa (ancestral rites) or a feast, food for weddings, and food for sijeol-jesa (seasonal ancestral rites). The book contained a total of 18 types of alcoholic beverages, 11 types of rice cakes and confectioneries, 20 types of daily meals, 28 types of jeol-sik and food for sijeol-jesa, 12 types of food for jesa and feasts, and 37 types of food for weddings, for a total of 126 types of food and beverages. "Bongjeopyoram" was an ancient cookbook with detailed records on how to carry out jesa, which was an important event hosted by jonggas, or the head family of a family clan, and how to receive and serve guests in the Joseon period. This book is expected to play a valuable role as a guidance with significance as a cookbook of a jongga from the Joseon Dynasty, a time when bongjesajeopbingaek (hosting jesa for one's ancestors and serving one's guest) was considered important.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.28-39
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• 2021

This study considered the rite of passage ceremonial food in the Mid-Choseon Period through the rite of passage ceremonies, food, and ingredients recorded in the Seoul Noble Ohhweemun Family Diary Shaemirok. The research used a contents analysis method through case studies. The noble families in the Mid-Choseon Period deemed the Jerye to be the most significant out of the traditional ceremonies. The nobles practiced the Sadehbongsah and the Yoonhweebongsah ceremonies for their ancestors. The Rite of passage ceremony required fruit. Of fish and birds, pheasants were used frequently during the ceremonies. Noble families, specifically the richer families, could sustainably normalize the rite of passage ceremonies against the elements. Seasonal ingredients were generally harvested even during spring and winter in large amounts. One of the last rites of passage food by Garye displayed diverse ingredients, such as Bangaeng, Myun, Tang, Uhyookjuk, Poe, Chae, Hae, and Silgwa. Such ingredients prove that the normalization of rite of passage ceremony food was well established and practiced. On the other hand, the birthday rite of passage food did not conform to a specific rite of passage normalcy or preparation. Instead, the birthday food showed a flexible menu of seasonal delicacies that were not confined to a particular traditional formula.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.14-27
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• 2020

This study examined the document Shaemirok, which recorded the daily lives of people from Jangsoo (長水), Junrado to Pyeongang (平康), Gangwondo, from 1591 to 1601. This book represents the mid Josun dynasty Noble Lineage's diary together with Muk-Jae (默齋日記). This study analyzed the Shaemirok of Noble lineage's seasonal food and traditional Korean food through the lens of the Shaemirok. The Shaemirok recorded that Josun people practiced the Julsa (節祀) and Julshik (節食) during the spring, as follows: Sakil (中和節) five times on February 1, Dapchungil (Samjiknal) six times on March 3, Hanshikil five times on March 8, and Deungsuk (Chopile) three times on April 8. Samjiknal on March 3, which is mentioned six times, is the spring Julsa and Julshik that show up most frequently within the Shaemirok's records. The Shaemirok recorded that Josun people, practiced the Julsa and Julshik during the summer, as follows: Danyang (Danoh) eight times on May 5 Youdoojul six times on June 15, Chilsuk five times on July 7, and Bakjoong five times on July 15. Dangohjul on May 5, which is mentioned eight times, is the summer Julsa and Julshik that show up most frequently within the Shaemirok's records. The Shaemirok's author recorded Julsa and Julshik practiced in the autumn eight times annually. Joongangjul, which is mentioned six times, is the autumn Julsa and Julshik that show up most frequently within the Shaemirok's records. Shaemirok recorded that Josun people practiced the Julsa and Julshik during the winter, as follows: Dongji during November, Sul on January 1, and Daebohrum on January 15 Dongji and Sul, Daebohrum are mentioned eight and seven times, respectively, in the Shaemirok. The people of the Four Main Families of the mid-period Josun practiced more Julsa and Julshik in the winter than in any other season. The Josun people stored the most food during winter, thus had the highest abundance of food. This seasonal factor explains Dongji and Sul, Daebohrum's unusual frequency with which they were celebrated.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.382-393
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• 2018

This study investigated Balgis (the record of the court)in the Joseon Dynasty pertaining to table settings for Sangsik (the meals for the dead). Sangsik are the records of daily meals for kings and key figures. In this study,14 pieces of Sangsikbalgi from 1890 to 1920, including two pieces from an unspecified period, were investigated to determine the composition and types of daily meals in the court. Meals consisted of a minimum of 10 dishes to a maximum 21 dishes, which basically included rice and soup. 'Jochi' was the term to refer to jjigae (stew) in the court. In Sangsikbalgi Bokgi, Gamjang, Jochi, Jjim, Suk, and Cho were all considered Jochi, which were recorded before Jeok or Jeon, where the side dishes were listed after rice and soup. This corresponded with the record of the royal tables in Wonhaeng-Ulmyo-Jeongri-Uigwe (圓行乙卯整理儀軌), in which Jochi included Jabjangjeon, Bokgi, Jabjang, and Cho. Whitebait and fruit, which are used as ingredients for Tang (soup) and Jeon, showed seasonal characteristics however, no other observed dishes showed seasonal variability. Additionally, beef and internal organs of animals were frequently used,regardless of seasons. When dishes in Sangsik were classified into basic dishes and additional cheop dishes (side dishes) based on Siuijeonseo (are recipe book of unknown authorship written in the late Joseon Dynasty), from five to nine Cheop dishes were set on the table, with seven being most common. Further comprehensive study needs to be conducted through undisclosed documents and private collections. Moreover, additional study of Judarye (anestral rites during the day for the royal) and cooking methods that were not investigated in detail in this study are needed.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.574-593
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• 2015

This research's main objective was to analyze the special qualities of food culture of the Main Family in Chung-Buk through a case study on the diversified types of meals that the Main Family cooked, such as courtesy food, normal food, and seasonal food. The research identifies traditional ingredients of specialties from Chung-Buk through old literature. According to "Sejongsillokjiriji", there are a myriad of ingredients:, including jujube, ginseng, pine mushroom, manna lichen, persimmon, mandarin fish, crab, sweetfish, lacquer, honey, and terrapin, which represent Chung-Buk's unique ingredients. Another reliable source, "Banchandungsok", does not provide a detailed list of traditional foods, but rather a simple list. The majority of food from Chung-Buk, in "Banchandungsok", consist of side dishes like kimchi and salt greens. Eventually, salt greens became diversified. As Chung-Buk is a landlocked province, people often used dried pollack. Kimchi and raw coaker were frequently used as well, and rice cakes encompassed multiple ingredients such as: jujube, mushroom, pine nut, and, dried persimmon. There were distinct differences in the diversity of food and amount of dishes used by the Main Families of Chung-Buk dependent on the ingredients and wealth of each Main Family. Chung-Buk has a landscape full of mountains, so potatoes were abundant and used to make potato Dasik. When cooking process was completed, people placed kelp on to the finished product. Seasonal foods were considered very important, especially on special occasions such as Backjoong, which was a day dedicated to laborers. These foodsprovided a good opportunity for the community to build stronger bonds by sharing rice cake and Yukgaejang with other members of the community. It is apparent that "Jeobbingac" culture, or guest culture, flourished since people in Chung-Buk are traditionally taught to leave spare food for the guest at all times.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.5-43
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• 2011

Before the Korean War, Korean mask dramas had been performed as parts of seasonal customs and had been passed down in connection with various seasonal events, such as village rites, tug of war, torch fighting, Jisinbabgi(stepping on evil spirits), Gilnori, and Sattonoreum. However, after the Korean War, the dramas were played independently regardless of those seasonal events; thus, they have lost their original functions and meanings. After the Korean War, the lion dance in the Bukcheong lion mask play included two lions (as opposed to one lion prior to the Korean War) and the Aeonesung and Sadang dances were added. The scene in which a lion eats a child changed to a lion eating a rabbit doll. Furthermore, whereas mask types used to be diverse, they are now standardized to one type of lion mask. In the Yangju Byulsandae-nori, eight monks and Waejangnye, Aesadang appeared in 'Aesadang Bubgonori', but now the Malddugi mask character is added. Current performances omit sexually suggestive scenes. In the pre-Korean War version of the old man and old woman act, the old man sang a song to the soul of the dead woman, but now a shaman appears and performs an exorcism. In the dialogues, vulgar and sexual statements have been shortened as many audience members are women and children. Regarding the appearance of the masks, the lotus leaf, the monk with Scabies, and sannim masks have been significantly changed. Bongsantalchum has also changed, especially in the old monk act. Previously, two Somu used to appear whereas now only one appears. The scene of the shoe seller's and the monkey's departure is also different. Furthermore, while the former masks once had big eye holes on each side of the nose, now the masks have smaller holes on the eyes.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.60-81
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• 2010

Jeju Island, in Korea, shows many characteristics that are differentiated from the rest of Korea. Its culture is rooted in mythology which advocates a egalitarian, rather than hierarchical, social structure, the place of women in the home is relatively high, and the formation of buildings, the separation of cooking and heating facilities, and the living format of residential homes is dissimilar. These disparities in culture indicate that Jeju Island's heritage was not formed only from influences from the North, but also from other places as well. To fill in the blanks, residential homes in Jeju Island were compared with those scattered throughout the East China Sea, which connect the southern coastline of the Korean peninsula and Jeju Island. The regions encompassed by the East China Sea, sharing the Kuroshio current and a seasonal wind, can be considered as one cultural region integrating cultural aspects from the continental North and the oceanbound South. The unique characteristics of southern culture as seen in southern residences was examined through an investigation of the sacred places in which gods were considered to dwell. First, the myths of these areas usually concerned with the ocean, and a sterile environment made sustenance impossible without a dual livelihood, usually taking on the forms of half-farming and half-fishing, or half-farming, half-gardening. Although family compositions were strongly matricentric or collateral thanks to southern influence, a patriarchical system like those found in the North were present in the upper classes and in the cities. Therefore, residential spaces were not divided based on age or gender, as in hierarchical societies, but according to family and function. Second, these areas had local belief systems based on animism and ancestor worship, and household deities were closely related to women, agriculture and fire. The deities of the kitchen, the granary and the toilet were mostly female, and the role of priest was often filled by a woman. After Buddhism and Confucianism were introduced from mainland Korea, China and Japan, the sacred areas of the household took on a dual form, integrating the female-focused local rites with male-centered Buddhist and Confucian rites. Third, in accordance with worship of a kitchen deity, a granary deity, and a toilet deity led to these areas of the home being separated into disparate buildings. Eventually, these areas became absorbed into the home as architectural technology was further developed and lifestyles were changed. There was also integration of northern and southern cultures, with rites concerning granary and toilet deities coming from China, and the personality of the kitchen deity being related to the southern sea. In addition, the use of stone in separate kitchens, granaries, and toilets is a distinguishing characteristic of the East China Sea. This research is a part of the results gained from a project funded by the Korea Research Foundation in 2006.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.