• Title/Summary/Keyword: Scholar culture

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A Review on the Background of Takjok(濯足; Washing Feet) and the Landscape Architectual Meaning of Its Cultural Phenomenon - Focused on Takjokjiyu(濯足之遊) Shown on Poetry, Prose, and Painting - (탁족(濯足)의 배경과 그 문화현상에 담긴 조경적 의미 - 시문과 그림에 나타난 탁족지유(濯足之遊)를 중심으로 -)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Seo, Hyo-Seog;Choi, Jong-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.41 no.6
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    • pp.72-83
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    • 2013
  • This study suggests the necessity of landscaping alternatives for the succession of Takjok(濯足) culture by considering the background and meaning of Takjok's cultural phenomenon shown in old literatures and paintings and its result is as follows. An old idiom, 'Takyoung Takjok(濯纓濯足)' implying a disinterested living attitude from the mundane world and an attitude complying with nature, has been sublimated to 'Takjokjiyu(濯足之遊)' which means living in comfortable retirement through life in seclusion(隱逸). Classical scholars immerse their feet in soft-flowing(柔軟) water for 'Mulailche(物我一體; synchronized with nature)' which is a unified condition with 'Do(道; truth)' and connected to the stage of 'Yu(遊)', a free mental state, and its nature. The cultural phenomenon of Takjok appeared in the inherited landscape paintings in the Joseon dynasty period after the late stage of Koryo. Takjok shown in 'Pal Kyung Shi'(八景詩; poetry singing for the eight scenary) was described as not a transcendent scene, but as a scenery of daily life. Dense forest and water, such as a stream with clean water, rocks, and pine trees shown in Takjok paintings have been symbolized as a seclusion space for classical scholars with higher thinking and their mental states have been more emerged. Mental pleasures called as seclusion and Takjokjiyu have been relatively emphasized in the Takjok paintings of the Joseon Dynasty period contrary to the Chinese Takjok paintings emphasizing Chung Gye(淸溪; clean stream) and Chang Rang(滄浪; high and clean wave) and strongly representing the image of 'Chung Ryu'(淸流; clean flowing water) and the veneration for antiquity. The view of nature described in the Takjok paintings represents the provision of nature as a situation and attitudes of classical scholars and implies a Taoism perspective which describes the 'do' of nature. This view of nature itself remained intact(無爲自然) with the love of mountains and water, showing a side of the zeitgeist and aesthetic consciousness of China and Joseon. The 'Takjokjiyu' of both countries has be interpreted as a symbol of personality development, behavior, life in seclusion, or transcending the mundane world and has also been accepted as a method of summer vacation in the real world. It should be considered that Takjok includes ordinary people's wisdom to resist the hot weather, as well as the classical scholar's ideal and the veneration of antiquity. From this perspective, water space, Takjok rocks, and the use of water based on the environmental supportability should be newly focused as a recreational space and it reminds us that the spirit of Takjok is a classical mental healing method.

A Semantic Interpretation of the Design Language in the ChwuiseokJeong Wonlim of Gochang - Focusing on the Alegory and Mimesis in 'Chwuiseok' and 'Chilseongam' - (취석정원림에 담긴 조형언어의 의미론적 해석 - '취석'과 '칠성암'에 담긴 알레고리와 미메시스를 중심으로 -)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Lee, Hyun-Woo;Lee, Jung-Han
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.76-89
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    • 2012
  • This study aimed at carrying out a semantic interpretation of the core Design language that seemed to influence deeply in the creation of the ChwuiseokJeong wonlim of Gochang. Especially, this paper aimed at inferring how the spiritual culture of seclusion of the 16th century influenced the creation of the wonlim by understanding the metaphor and symbolism by grasping the transmission meaning and reception meaning of the creators and the people concerned with keywords like Eunil(隱逸: seclusion), Chwuiseok(醉石), and Chilseongam(七星巖). 'Building up a wall' was intentionally carried out in order to represent 'Seven Stars(The Big Dipper)' inside of the wonlim. This is a kind of two-dimensional 'enframement', and a result of active creation of a meaningful landscape. From Chilseongam that was created by assembling, we presumed that Kyung-Hee Kim, Nohgye(蘆溪), the creator showed the recognition and thoughts of astronomy as a Confucian scholar that the ChwuiseokJeong Wonlim where he secluded is the center of the universe. The interpretation of words in Nohgyezip, an anthology, showed that the articles and writtings of Nohgye, his decsendants, and the people of ChwuiseokJeong included alcohols, Chwuiseok, Yeon-Myung Do, and Yuli(栗里) where Do secluded; this means that Nohgye ranked himself with Do because Nohgye also lived in peace by drinking alcohols and enjoying nature like Do did. 'Drinking' was what expressed the mind of Nohgye who wanted to be free and have the joy of enjoying mountains, water, and their landscape like Do did. In other words, 'Drinking' is the symbol of freedom that makes him forget himself and equate himself with nature. These are the representation, imitation, and mimesis of respecting Yeon-Myung Do. As the alegory of 'speaking something with other things' suggested, it is possible to read 'Chwuiseok', came from the story of Yeon-Myung Do, in multiple ways; it superficially points out 'a rock on which he laid when he was drinking', but it also can be interpreted as 'an object' that made him forget his personal troubles. In addition, it means freewill protecting unselfish mind with the spiritual aberration of drinking, 'Chwui(醉)', mentally; also, it can be interpreted metaphorically and broadly as a tool that makes Nohgye reach to the state of nature by the satisfied mind of Yeon-Myung Do. 'Chwuiseok' was a design language that showed the situation of Nohgye by comparing his mind with the mind of Yeon-Myung Do from the Confucian point of view, and a kind of behavioral mimesis based on his respect to Do and 'aesthetic representation of objective reality.' It is not coincidental that this mimesis was shown in the engraved words on Chwuiseok and the creation of ChwuiseokJeong that has the same name with Chwuiseok in Korea and China.

Ahn Jeong-Bok's idea of country village community (18세기 향촌사회와 유교공동체 - 순암 안정복을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Bo-kyoung
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.35
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    • pp.415-445
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    • 2009
  • A well-known historian, Ahn Jeong-Bok(Sun-Am, 1712~1791) was an expert on the country village community. He was a scholar of the "Nam-In" group, who was excluded from the corridors of power in those days. He kept on the move in various parts of country villages from his childhood. After settling down in Deok-Gok, Kwang-Ju, he stayed in the place devoting himself to the self-culture and the literary works. By his surrounding of environment, he had an academic interest in a concrete science rather than metaphysics and country villages rather than the central city. He considered the country villages as the link holding between a family and a country and had the conception of a confucianist community based on country villages, emphasizing the practice of confucianist virtues in everyday life. First of all, his confucianist community was the community based on country villages. He thought that the enlightenment was a matter of great importance for solving problems in country villages. As a solution to those problems, he suggested Hyang-Yak, the self-governed regulations of country villages. In his own village he made the self-governed rules Dong-Yak. When he was a provincial governer of Mok-Cheon, he put Hyang-Yak, the self-governed regulations of country villages in operation. It aimed for a kind of gentry-centric country village community. But Hyang-Yak was the regulations based on the agreement with each other, stressed the regard on the popular mind and the setting the pace of the gentry, and aimed for the harmony and order in a community through the practice of moral virtues in daily life. On the other hand, he had a conception of a country village's academic community. He thought of the development of educational intuitions as a pressing need of the enlightenment of country village. With young people he read confucianist books with comments in a village school, Seo-Jae. In his seventies, he made and put the self-regulations for academic community, Hak-Yak, in operations. It is considered that Hak-Yak was an example of his idea of academic community and his point of view on learning, which emphasized on the coincidence with reading and practice.

Study on the Educational Plan to Enhance Intercultural Abilities Using the Oral Folktales of Immigrants who Mov ed to Korea (이주민 구술 설화를 활용한 상호문화능력 신장의 교육 방안연구)

  • Kim, Jeong-Eun
    • Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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    • no.38
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    • pp.201-238
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    • 2018
  • As a way of enhancing the intercultural ability needed for diverse cultural eras, this study focuses on the "narration" of the Italian education scholar Maddalena De Carlo in order to determine the "diverse values" created by the "symbolic representation" based on the folktales narrated by immigrants living in Korea. Through this, it specifically presents educational elements and contents that can raise relative sensitivity. The authors of this paper have connected, empathized, and communicated with people of various cultures in order to go beyond Carlo's discussion. The paper discusses the expansion of cultural sensitivity as an element of education through narrative topics using the folktales of immigrant narrators in Korea. It also recognizes the limitations of a desire for a homogeneous union within an intercultural society and thus formulates educational contents for creating a relationship with heterogeneous ideas through the elimination of communication barriers through heterogeneity and a consideration of the surface and the back. This is systemized in six steps. Step 1: Listening to oral folktales of immigrants, Step 2: Finding heterogeneous motifs imprinted in the immigrants' memories, Step 3: Understanding the meaning of the opposing qualities symbolized by heterogeneous motifs, Step 4: Creating narrative topics containing the key motifs, Step 5: Generating the value of symbolic representation as a narrative topic, and Step 6: Expanding the value of life into a cultural symbol. In Chapter 3, this study focuses on educational contents using immigrants' folktales by applying these six steps. The class contents include the recognition of the limitations of desire for a homogeneous union within an intercultural society and the consideration of how to create a relationship with heterogeneous ideas through the elimination of communication barriers through heterogeneity and consideration of the surface and the back. This paper then compares the Indonesian folktale, The Inverted Ship Mountain and the Mom's Mountain, with the world-famous Oedipus myth, to determine what the symbolic representation of these heterogeneous motifs is. In Step 6, when the symbolic system is culturally extended, the incestuous desire that appears in the "inverted ship" is interpreted as a fixation that was created when the character sought to unite with homogenous idea. The Cambodian folktale, The Girl and the Tiger, is a story that is reminiscent of the Korean folktale, The Old Man with a Lump. Through the motif in "Tiger," this paper generates a narrative topic that will enhance the students' intercultural abilities by culturally expanding their skills in how to relate with a heterogeneous being that is usually represented as an animal. The Vietnamese folktale, The Coconut Bowl, similar to the Korean folktale, GureongDeongDeong SinSeonBi, is a story that draws a variety of considerations about the surface and theback, and it shows readers how to build a relationship with a heterogeneous idea and how to develop and grow with such a relationship. Thus, if a narrative topic is generated and readers are able to empathize using an opposing feature formed by the core motif of the folktale, it becomes possible, through immigrant folklore, to construct a possibility of a new life through the formation of a relationship with an unfamiliar and heterogeneous culture.

The Development and Sementic Network of Korean Ginseng Poems (한국 인삼시의 전개와 의미망)

  • Ha, Eung Bag
    • Journal of Ginseng Culture
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    • v.4
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    • pp.13-37
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    • 2022
  • Even before recorded history, the Korean people took ginseng. Later, poetry passed down from China developed into a literary style in which intellectuals from the Silla, Goryeo, and Joseon Dynasties expressed their thoughts concisely. The aim of this paper is to find Korean poems related to ginseng and to look for their semantic network. To this end, "Korea Classical DB ", produced by the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics, was searched to find ginseng poems. As the result of a search in November 2021, two poems from the Three Kingdoms Period, two poems from the Goryeo Dynasty, and 23 poems from the Joseon Dynasty were searched. An examination of these poems found that the first ginseng poem was "Goryeoinsamchan," which was sung by people in Goguryeo around the 6th century. Ginseng poetry during the Goryeo Dynasty is represented by Anchuk's poem. Anchuk sang about the harmful effects of ginseng tributes from a realistic point of view. Ginseng poetry in the Joseon Dynasty is represented by Seo Geo-jeong in the early period and Jeong Yakyong in the late period. Seo Geo-jeong's ginseng poem is a romantic poem that praises the mysterious pharmacological effects of ginseng. A poem called "Ginseng" by Yongjae Seonghyeon is also a romantic poem that praises the mysterious medicinal benefits of ginseng. As a scholar of Realist Confucianism, Dasan Jeong Yak-yong wrote very practical ginseng poems. Dasan left five ginseng poems, the largest number written by one poet. Dasan tried ginseng farming himself and emerged from the experience as a poet. The story of the failure and success of his ginseng farming was described in his poems. At that time, ginseng farming was widespread throughout the country due to the depletion of natural ginseng and the development of ginseng farming techniques after the reign of King Jeongjo. Since the early 19th century, ginseng farming had been prevalent on a large scale in the Gaeseong region, and small-scale farming had also been carried out in other regions. What is unusual is Kim Jin-soo's poem. At that time, in Tong Ren Tang, Beijing (the capital of the Qing Dynasty), ginseng from Joseon sold well under the "Songak Sansam" brand. Kim Jin-Soo wrote about this brand of ginseng in his poem. In 1900, Maecheon Hwanghyeon also created a ginseng poem, written in Chinese characters. Thus, the semantic network of Korean ginseng poems is identified as follows: 1) Ginseng poetry in the spirit of the people - Emerging gentry in the Goryeo Dynasty (Anchuk). 2) Romantic ginseng poetry - Government School in the early Joseon Dynasty (Seo Geo-jeong, Seonghyeon, etc.). 3) Practical ginseng poetry - Realist School in the late Joseon Dynasty (Jeong Yak-yong, Kim Jin-soo, Hwang Hyun, etc.). This semantic network was extracted while examining the development of Korean ginseng poems.

Characteristic on the Layout and Semantic Interpretation of Chungryu-Gugok, Dongaksan Mountain, Gokseong (곡성 동악산 청류구곡(淸流九曲)의 형태 및 의미론적 특성)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Shin, Sang-Sup;Huh, Joon;Lee, Jung-Han;Han, Sang-Yub
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.32 no.4
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    • pp.24-36
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    • 2014
  • The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).

The State Hermitage Museum·Northwest University for Nationalities·Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House, 2018 (아라사국립애이미탑십박물관(俄羅斯國立艾爾米塔什博物館)·서북민족대학(西北民族大學)·상해고적출판사(上海古籍出版社) 편(編) 『아장구자예술품(俄藏龜玆藝術品)』, 상해고적출판사(上海古籍出版社), 2018 (『러시아 소장 쿠차 예술품』))

  • Min, Byung-Hoon
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.98
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    • pp.226-241
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    • 2020
  • Located on the right side of the third floor of the State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, the "Art of Central Asia" exhibition boasts the world's finest collection of artworks and artifacts from the Silk Road. Every item in the collection has been classified by region, and many of them were collected in the early twentieth century through archaeological surveys led by Russia's Pyotr Kozlov, Mikhail Berezovsky, and Sergey Oldenburg. Some of these artifacts have been presented around the world through special exhibitions held in Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Korea, Japan, and elsewhere. The fruits of Russia's Silk Road expeditions were also on full display in the 2008 exhibition The Caves of One Thousand Buddhas - Russian Expeditions on the Silk Route on the Occasion of 190 Years of the Asiatic Museum, held at the Hermitage Museum. Published in 2018 by the Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House in collaboration with the Hermitage Museum, Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia introduces the Hermitage's collection of artifacts from the Kuche (or Kucha) region. While the book focuses exclusively on artifacts excavated from the Kuche area, it also includes valuable on-site photos and sketches from the Russian expeditions, thus helping to enhance readers' overall understanding of the characteristics of Kuche art within the Buddhist art of Central Asia. The book was compiled by Dr. Kira Samosyuk, senior curator of the Oriental Department of the Hermitage Museum, who also wrote the main article and the artifact descriptions. Dr. Samosyuk is an internationally renowned scholar of Central Asian Buddhist art, with a particular expertise in the art of Khara-Khoto and Xi-yu. In her article "The Art of the Kuche Buddhist Temples," Dr. Samosyuk provides an overview of Russia's Silk Road expeditions, before introducing the historical development of Kuche in the Buddhist era and the aspects of Buddhism transmitted to Kuche. She describes the murals and clay sculptures in the Buddhist grottoes, giving important details on their themes and issues with estimating their dates, and also explains how the temples operated as places of worship. In conclusion, Dr. Samosyuk argues that the Kuche region, while continuously engaging with various peoples in China and the nomadic world, developed its own independent Buddhist culture incorporating elements of Gandara, Hellenistic, Persian, and Chinese art and culture. Finally, she states that the culture of the Kuche region had a profound influence not only on the Tarim Basin, but also on the Buddhist grottoes of Dunhuang and the central region of China. A considerable portion of Dr. Samosyuk's article addresses efforts to estimate the date of the grottoes in the Kuche region. After citing various scholars' views on the dates of the murals, she argues that the Kizil grottoes likely began prior to the fifth century, which is at least 100 years earlier than most current estimates. This conclusion is reached by comparing the iconography of the armor depicted in the murals with related materials excavated from the surrounding area (such as items of Sogdian art). However, efforts to date the Buddhist grottoes of Kuche must take many factors into consideration, such as the geological characteristics of the caves, the themes and styles of the Buddhist paintings, the types of pigments used, and the clothing, hairstyles, and ornamentation of the depicted figures. Moreover, such interdisciplinary data must be studied within the context of Kuche's relations with nearby cultures. Scientific methods such as radiocarbon dating could also be applied for supplementary materials. The preface of Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia reveals that the catalog is the first volume covering the Hermitage Museum's collection of Kuche art, and that the next volume in the series will cover a large collection of mural fragments that were taken from Berlin during World War II. For many years, the whereabouts of these mural fragments were unknown to both the public and academia, but after restoration, the fragments were recently re-introduced to the public as part of the museum's permanent exhibition. We look forward to the next publication that focuses on these mural fragments, and also to future catalogs introducing the artifacts of Turpan and Khotan. Currently, fragments of the murals from the Kuche grottoes are scattered among various countries, including Russia, Germany, and Korea. With the publication of this catalog, it seems like an opportune time to publish a comprehensive catalog on the murals of the Kuche region, which represent a compelling mixture of East-West culture that reflects the overall characteristics of the region. A catalog that includes both the remaining murals of the Kizil grottoes and the fragments from different parts of the world could greatly enhance our understanding of the murals' original state. Such a book would hopefully include a more detailed and interdisciplinary discussion of the artifacts and murals, including scientific analyses of the pigments and other materials from the perspective of conservation science. With the ongoing rapid development in western China, the grotto murals are facing a serious crisis related to climate change and overcrowding in the oasis city of Xinjiang. To overcome this challenge, the cultural communities of China and other countries that possess advanced technology for conservation and restoration must begin working together to protect and restore the murals of the Silk Road grottoes. Moreover, centers for conservation science should be established to foster human resources and collect information. Compiling the data of Russian expeditions related to the grottoes of Kuche (among the results of Western archaeological surveys of the Silk Road in the early twentieth century), Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia represents an important contribution to research on Kuche's Buddhist art and the Silk Road, which will only be enhanced by a future volume introducing the mural fragments from Germany. As the new authoritative source for academic research on the artworks and artifacts of the Kuche region, the book also lays the groundwork for new directions for future studies on the Silk Road. Finally, the book is also quite significant for employing a new editing system that improves its academic clarity and convenience. In conclusion, Dr. Kira Samosyuk, who planned the publication, deserves tremendous praise for taking the research of Silk Road art to new heights.

A Study on the Meaning and Cultural Properties Value of Rock-Go-Board from the Viewpoint of Site and Location Characteristics (입지와 장소 특성으로 본 암각바둑판의 의미와 문화재적 가치)

  • Park, Joo Sung;Rho, Jae Hyun;Sim, Woo Kyung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.44 no.4
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    • pp.172-205
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    • 2011
  • Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[$80(82)cm{\times}80(82)cm$] while the smallest one was Yangsan Sohandjeong Seokguk ($40cm{\times}40cm$). The dimension of length and breadth are both $49cm{\times}48cm$ on average, which is realistic size for actual Go play. Fifth, the biggest bed rock, an under-masonry with carved Go-board on it, was one in Muju Sasunam[$8.7m{\times}7.5m(65.25m^2)$], followed by ones in Hoengseong Chuiseok[$7.8m{\times}6.3m(49.14m^2$] and Goisan Sungukam[$6.7m{\times}5.7m(37.14m^2)$]. Meanwhile, the smallest rock-go-board was turned out to be one in Seoul Banghak-dong. There was no consistency in directions of the Go-boards, which gives a hint that geographical features and sceneries of locations were considered first and then these were carved toward an optimal direction corresponding to the conditions. Sixth, rock-go-boards were all located in valleys and peaks of mountains with breathtaking scenery. It seems closely related to ancestors' taste for arts. Particularly, rock-go-boards are apprehended as facilities related to taste for arts for having leisure in many mountains and big streams under the idea of union of sky and human as a primitive communal line. Go became a medium of hermits, which is a traditional image of Go-game, and symbol of amusement and entertainment with the idea that Go is an essence of scholar culture enabling to reach the Tao of turning back to nature. Seventh, the further ancient time going back to, the more dreamlike the Go-boards are. It is an evident for that Sundoism, which used to be unacceptable once, became more visible and realistic. Considering the high relation between rock-go-boards and Sundoism relevant names such as Sundoism peak in Danyang Sobaeksan, 4 hermits rock in Muju and Sundoism hermit rock in Jangsu, Sundoism hermit rocks and rock-go-boards are sceneries and observation spots to express a communication of worship and longing for Sundoism. Eighth, 3 elements-physical environment such as location type of the rock-go-boards, human activities concentrated on 8 sceneries and Dongcheongugok(洞天九曲) setup and relevancy to Confucian scholars, as well as 'Sangsansaho' motif and 'Nangagosa' symbolic meaning were used as interpretation tools in order to judge the place identity. Upon the result, spatial investigation is required with respect to Sunyoodongcheon(仙遊洞天) concept based on enjoyment to unify with the nature rather than Dongcheongugok concept of neo-Confucian, for Dongcheon and Dongmoon(洞門) motives carved around the rock-go-boards. Generally, places where mountain stream type rock-go-boards were formed were hermit spaces of Confucianism or Sundoism. They are considered to have compromised one other with the change of times. Particularly, in the rock-go-board at the mountain peak, sublimity-oriented advent of Sundoism is considered as a significant factor to control place identity. Ninth, including where the rock-go-boards were established, the vicinal areas are well-known as parts of Dongcheongugok and Palkyung(八景) mostly. In addition, many of Sundoism relevant expressions were discovered even in the neighboring carvings written by scholars and nobility, which means sophisticated taste based on longing for Sundoism world played a significant role in making go-board. The rock-go-board is an integration of cultural phenomena naturally managed by seclusion of scholars in the Joseon Dynasty as well as remains and essence of Korean traditional landscaping. Some rock-go-boards out of 17 discovered in South Korea, including ones in Sobaeksan Sinsunbong, Banghak-dong, Chungju Gongili, Muju Sasunam, Yangsan Eogokdong Banryongdae Seokguk, are damaged such as cracks in rocks or fainted lines by hardships of time and hand stains. Worse yet, in case of Eunyang Bangudae Jipcheongjeong board, it is very difficult to identify the shape due to being buried. Rock-go-boards are valuable sculptures in terms of cultural asset and artwork since they reflect ancestors' love for nature and longing for Sundoism world. Therefore, they should be maintained properly with right preservation method. Not only rock-boards itself but also peripheral places are excellent cultural heritages and crucial cultural assets. In addition, vicinal sceneries of where rock-goboards and pavilion spots are the representative remains of embracing prototype of Korean traditional landscaping and major parts of cultural properties.