• Journal of radiological science and technology
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.55-60
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• 2008

Purpose: This study is to decide a quality control and calibration period of LCD display devices used for reading diagnostic images. Materias and Methods: The assessment test of 20 flat panel LCD color display devices used for reading diagnostic images were performed based on AAPM TG 18 protocol over the total six sessions at one month intervals from three months after primary calibration, in terms of geometric distortion, reflection test, luminance response evaluation, luminance uniformity, resolution, noise, veiling glare and chromaticity test. Results: The results of geometric distortion, reflection test, luminance uniformity, resolution, noise, veiling glare and chromaticity test were within the criteria recommended by AAPM TG 18, except for luminance response evaluation. In the measured luminance deviation of luminance response evaluation, 4(25%) of 20 display devices were passed a criterion from four months after calibration, and 11 (55%) were passed from eight months. Also in the contrast response of the luminance response evaluation, 1(5%) display device was passed a criterion from four months after calibration, and 3(15%) were passed from eight months. Conclusion: Considering the passing deviation after calibration, the time required and a manpower, the quality control and calibration period of LCD display devices used for reading diagnostic images should be a three months and six months after calibration.

• Geophysics and Geophysical Exploration
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.19-29
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• 2006

The first Japanese pilot-scale $CO_2$ sequestration project has been undertaken in an onshore saline aquifer, near Nagaoka in Niigata prefecture, and time-lapse well logs were carried out in observation wells to detect the arrival of injected $CO_2$ and to evaluate $CO_2$ saturation in the reservoir. $CO_2$ was injected into a thin permeable zone at the depth of 1110m at a rate of 20-40 tonnes per day. The total amount of injected $CO_2$ was 10400 tonnes, during the injection period from July 2003 to January 2005. The pilot-scale demonstration allowed an improved understanding of the $CO_2$ movement in a porous sandstone reservoir, by conducting time-lapse geophysical well logs at three observation wells. Comparison between neutron well logging before and after the insertion of fibreglass casing in observation well OB-2 showed good agreement within the target formation, and the higher concentration of shale volume in the reservoir results in a bigger difference between the two well logging results. $CO_2$ breakthrough was identified by induction, sonic, and neutron logs. By sonic logging, we confirmed P-wave velocity reduction that agreed fairly well with a laboratory measurement on drilled core samples from the Nagaoka site. We successfully matched the history changes of sonic P-wave velocity and estimated $CO_2$ saturation a(ter breakthrough in two observation wells out of three. The sonic-velocity history matching result suggested that the sweep efficiency was about 40%. Small effects of $CO_2$ saturation on resistivity resulted in small changes in induction logs when the reservoir was partially saturated. We also found that $CO_2$ saturation in the $CO_2$-bearing zone responded to suspension of $CO_2$ injection.

• Geophysics and Geophysical Exploration
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.30-36
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• 2006

Japan's first pilot-scale $CO_2$ sequestration experiment has been conducted in Nagaoka, where 10400 t of $CO_2$ have been injected in an onshore aquifer at a depth of about 1100 m. Among various measurements conducted at the site for monitoring the injected $CO_2$, we conducted time-lapse crosswell seismic tomography between two observation wells to determine the distribution of $CO_2$ in the aquifer by the change of P-wave velocities. This paper reports the results of the crosswell seismic tomography conducted at the site. The crosswell seismic tomography measurements were carried out three times; once before the injection as a baseline survey, and twice during the injection as monitoring surveys. The velocity tomograms resulting from the monitoring surveys were compared to the baseline survey tomogram, and velocity difference tomograms were generated. The velocity difference tomograms showed that velocity had decreased in a part of the aquifer around the injection well, where the injected $CO_2$ was supposed to be distributed. We also found that the area in which velocity had decreased was expanding in the formation up-dip direction, as increasing amounts of $CO_2$ were injected. The maximum velocity reductions observed were 3.0% after 3200 t of $CO_2$ had been injected, and 3.5% after injection of 6200 t of $CO_2$. Although seismic tomography could map the area of velocity decrease due to $CO_2$ injection, we observed some contradictions with the results of time-lapse sonic logging, and with the geological condition of the cap rock. To investigate these contradictions, we conducted numerical experiments simulating the test site. As a result, we found that part of the velocity distribution displayed in the tomograms was affected by artefacts or ghosts caused by the source-receiver geometry for the crosswell tomography in this particular site. The maximum velocity decrease obtained by tomography (3.5%) was much smaller than that observed by sonic logging (more than 20%). The numerical experiment results showed that only 5.5% velocity reduction might be observed, although the model was given a 20% velocity reduction zone. Judging from this result, the actual velocity reduction can be more than 3.5%, the value we obtained from the field data reconstruction. Further studies are needed to obtain more accurate velocity values that are comparable to those obtained by sonic logging.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.62-77
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• 2012

This study aimed to investigate the Confucian-oriented agriculture phase of the Joseon Dynasty, which was reflected at the palaces, by analyzing constructional aspects and spatial characteristics of farmlands at the palace rear gardens. The objective sites were the rear gardens of Gyeongbok Palace, Changkyung Palace, and the outside of Sinmoomoon(神武門) This study was based on literature reviews. The farmlands at the palace rear garden were constructed to self-estimate the year's harvest condition within the palaces. It was a part of the agriculture encouragement policy on governing the group of Joseon like publishing the Nongsajiksul(農事直說) and establishing the Chingyeongnye(親耕禮: king's own cultivation ceremony) and Kikokje(祈穀祭: the rite of praying for grain). In addition, farmlands of the rear garden were operated from the beginning of the state almost until the Japanese colonial era. The results were summarized as follows: First, Gyeongbok Palace rear garden's farmland which begin at the reign of Sejong(世宗) existed at the present Hyangwonji(香遠池) area. It was constructed in order to check the advanced agricultural technologies. The rear garden's farmland in Changkyung Palace, which was executed during the reign of Seongjong(成宗), was constructed right after the initial Chingyeongnye of the Joseon Dynasty. Therefore, it might be understood as the context of the king's own cultivation of the Jeokjeonchinkyung(籍田親耕). Injo(仁祖) dug for farmland in the ground of the Gyemgdeok Palace(慶德宮) though there was some stay palace, when his stay dragged out for too long. This bespeaks that those farmlands at the palace rear gardens were of great importance in the Joseon political history. The farmland near Gyeongnongjae(耕農齋), which was made during the reign of Gojong(高宗), inherited predecessor's walks of the promoting agriculture and exhibited spatial compositions such as the rear garden's farmland at Changkyung Palace. Secondly, irrigation, its water systems, the name of observatory to study farming[觀耕臺] and location requirements for farmland had something in common. It was assumed as universal forms of physiocracy-space in the Joseon Dynasty. In this study, by considering aspects of operating about vegetable garden managed by eunuchs and of the orchard in palace to cultivate fruits for national ceremonies, it could be assumed that landscape architecture of royal palace in the Joseon Dynasty did not only focus on solemnity, orderliness and fanciness but also on the practical and productive which was helpful in life. In addition, the diverse activities of productive landscape architecture led by the royal family in palaces, and the initiatively tested advanced agricultural technologies by the king were considered as an aspect of the Korean traditional specific royal palace landscape architecture. That is considered sole landscape not only to love of the people but also the 'agriculture-first' principle which were absent from other nations.

• Korean Journal of Weed Science
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.368-374
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• 1997

Investigated ware the decomposition of mulch paper, weed occurrence, and rice growth and yield in transplanting rice culture with paper mulching in 1996 and 1997. The mulch paper were developed from domestic old corrugated container. In the experiment of 1996 where 25 percent of nitrogen fertilizer was applied as tillering fertilizer at 15 days after transplanting, it took about 28 to 40 days for the mulch paper to reach 50 percent decomposition according to types of mulch paper and fertilizer amount. The decomposition was faster in 18kg N/10a fertilization plot than in 12kg N/10a fertilization plot, and slower in the mulch paper treated with polyamidepolyamine epichlorohydrin resin(PPE) for the reinforcement of wet strength than in the mulch paper without PPE. In the experiment of 1997 where nitrogen fertilizer was not applied at tillering stage and instead 70 percent of nitrogen fertilizer was supplied as basal fertilizer, it took more than 42 days for the mulch paper(PPF treated) to reach 50 percent decomposition. Paper mulching was found to be very effective in controlling the paddy weeds at early stage of rice growth, but the efficacy, of weed control decreased especially in the mulch paper without PPE at later stage of rite growth due to the occurrence of Ludwigia prostrata in 1996. Few weeds occurred even in non-mulched plot without herbicide in 1997, rending difficulties in evaluating the efficacy of mulch paper in weed control, However, it could be deduced from the durability of mulch paper that paper mulching would have had sufficient efficacy of weed control. Rice yield was only 185kg/10a in the plot without mulching and weed control, but 657kg/10a and 771kg/10a in the paper(PPE treated) mulching plot with 12kgN/10a and 18kgN/10a, respectively, in 1996. The paper mulching plot showed rice yield similar to the weed control plot with herbicide in 1997. It would be concluded that paper mulching could ensure effective weed control and as high yield as the conventional rice cultivation with herbicidal weed control if the corresponding amount of basal nitrogen fertilizer is increased instead of omitting the nitrogen fertilizer at tillering stage.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.14-30
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• 2020

This study focuses on the fact that pictorial maps in the late Joseon Dynasty were conceptual diagrams with the place names perceived by the people at the time of their production. In this regard, targeting on five pictorial maps, the humanistic landscape characteristics of Pyongyang, which had cultural identities such as a historically old, commercial, and Pungnyu(appreciation for the arts) city, were derived as follows. First, the historic legitimacy of Pyongyang Castle was represented by ritual and religious facilities. They include 'Dangunjeon' and 'Gijagung' related to the nation founder, 'Munmujeong': the remains of Goguryeo, 'Sajikdan' & 'Pyongyanggangdan': the place of the national rites, Hyanggyo and Seowon: education & rite functions, Buddhism and Taoist facilities, 'Yongsindang', 'Sanshindang', and 'Jesindan': folk religion facilities. Gija-related facilities, which became symbols of Pyongyang due to the importance of Small-Sinocentrism and Gija dignity tendency, were distributed throughout Pyongyang Castle though, the facilities related to King Dongmyeong of Goguryeo and the spaces of religion praying for blessings are spread in Bukseong and on the riverside of Daedonggang each. Second, as a Pyongando Province's economic center, Pyongyang's commercial landscape was represented by logistics and transportation facilities. The Daedonggang River, which was in charge of transportation functions, had many decks such as 'Yangmyeongpo', 'Cheongryongpo' and 'Waeseongjin' and bridges, such as 'Yeongjegyo' and 'Gangdonggyo', which connected major transportation routes. The road network was created in Oeseong area to facilitate logistics transportation and management, and many warehouses named after the jurisdiction of Pyongyangbu were distributed near the roads and Provincial Offices of the main gates. In addition, it was characterized by the urban area systematically divided with hierarchical roads, 'Bukjangnim' of willow trees planted on the main entrance roads of Pyongyang Castle, a linear landscape created by 'Simnijangnim' consisting of mixed forests with elm trees. Third, Pungnyu City is realized by the distribution of amusement facilities. The riverside of Daedonggang adjacent to Naeseong exhibits characteristics of artificial landscape such as a canal leading to the inside of the castle, a docking facility with embankments, and a port with cargo ships anchored. However, Bukseong of the natural surroundings had numerous pavilions and platforms such as 'Bubyeongnu', 'Eulmildae', 'Choeseungdae', 'Jebyeokjeong' and engraved letters such as 'Cheongnyubyeok', 'Jangbangho'. 'Osunjeong', 'Byeogwolji', 'Banwolji' near 'Sachang', and 'Aeryeondang', built on the island of a square pond, created waterscape in Naeseong invisible from the Daedonggang, and for practical purposes, ponds and repeated willow vegetation landscape related to Gija were placed in the western rampart of Jungseong. In addition, 'Seonyeondong', a cemetery of Gisaeng, located near by Chilseongmun, was used as poem titles and themes by literary people, contributing to the creation of the Pungnyu image of Pyongyang.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.193-217
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• 2014

The aim of this thesis is to elucidate the meaning of play which constitutes the genuine happiness of human being in Plato's '$heort{\bar{e}}$' and Aristotle's '$schol{\bar{e}}$'. Until now '$heort{\bar{e}}$', a divine act which communicate with original divinity, was differentiated from paidia. And '$schol{\bar{e}}$' was understood as activities in spare time opposed to labour. Plato put '$heort{\bar{e}}$' at the center of their life as a means for gods' blessing. Aristotle understand '$schol{\bar{e}}$' as free activities and the completion of individual life. For Aristotle play is not only a freedom from labour but also a supreme activity. Play itself is an end and a completion. Play is the essence of human life so man can be happy with play. Play is the activity of joy. And play is the most intellectual and spontaneous activity. Now we can assert that '$heort{\bar{e}}$' is the original play which elucidate the existence of the human being in connection with world and is the holy mode of play which makes an affluent life of communities. And we can maintain that '$schol{\bar{e}}$' is a mode of play which freed from the burden of labour and elevate the life of human being to academic activities and contemplative life. By this interpretation we can expose that play is the center of life. We can see the two fold meaning of apollonian-dionysian play and the perfect harmony of communities in Plato's '$heort{\bar{e}}$'. We can see also the delight as splendidness of life in Aristotle's '$schol{\bar{e}}$'. The Plato's theory of play seems different from Aristotle's. But their theories are the same in the general, because they both put play at the center of life and they equally assert that we have to live with playing our life. The world in which play is in harmony with labour- this world is their utopia.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.64-81
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• 2015

The Treasure No.165 of Ojukhen is a separate house(別堂) which was still remained as a gentry house in the earliest day. The formative aspects have the important meaning as the history of Korean architecture. Specially the place is famous for Shin, Saim-dang(申師任堂) gave birth to Yulgok(栗谷) Yi, I(李珥). The house was built by one's family of Gangneung Choi clan(江陵崔氏) but Son-in-law inherited the house because there was the practice of inheritance by equal distribution and the mother of Shin, Saim-dang, Yongin Lee clan(龍仁李氏) inherited Gwon, Cheo-kyun(權處均) who was her hrandson under the condition of looking after the tomb. The reason why house name was Ojukhen is that Gwon, Cheo-kyun's another name is Ojukhen. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed the change of practicing inheritance and ancestral rites. Ojukhen has the special relationship of one's grandson and did not have such of immediate family. This is because there were customs husband had to go to married woman's house and live there during short time. Yongin Lee clan and Shin, Saimdang has lived in the Ojukhen. Yongin Lee clan lived there after marrying. Shin Saimdang also spent a time of living her house after marrying and his son(Yi, I) was born in the place. Yi, I spent their time under Yongin Lee clan and one's mother's parents. Therefore he had a good relationship with his maternal grandmother. This is why his maternal grandmother became a descendant offering sacrifice to his ancestors. The reason why Gwon, Chen-kyun looked after the tomb of Yongin Lee clan was also Gwon, Hwa(權和) became sonin-law who lives with his wife's family. Ojukhen is the showcase of finding the marriage and living manage in the early Joseon Dynasty. The most village of Buk-Pyeong(北坪村) in the Gangneung called by Yi, I's one's mother's parents' home. Since after, the place was changed as the clan village immediate family of Andong Kwang clan(安東權氏) of Gwon, Cheokyun of Chumilgong family(樞密公派). After 17C, there were social historic changings focused on relative group. Ojukhen was the start of changing the clan village. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed inheritance, relative, marriage in the turning point of Joseon Dynasty.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.163-204
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• 2010

"Nectar of Immortality", also known as Suryukwha, is a painting which is hung on the wall during Suryukjae, a rite to console the spirits residing on both land and water. The Suryukwha at Bonyung Temple in the Ming Dynasty consisted of 139 scrolls depicting separate scenes. In Korea, however, Nectar of Immortality combines all the scenes into one large painting. The lower part of Nectar of Immortality describes pain, disasters, and the frailty of human life in this world. This is intended to inspire people to embrace Buddhism and be delivered from their worldly existence. However, it reflects the social realities of that time as well. The scenes at the bottom of the painting of nomadic troupes of entertainers and their performances are part of this reflection. In this section, various scenes of traditional Korean performance are illustrated, such as double and single tightrope walking, Sotdaetagi (performing atop a pole), Ssangjulbaegi (one form of Sotdaetagi), tumbling, bell juggling, mask dramas, dish spinning, puppet shows, the dance of Sadang, and sword dancing. Among these performances, some, such as Sotdaetagi, Ssangjulbaegi, double tightrope walking, bell juggling and sword dancing (Punggakjaengipae), have since ceased to exist. The troupes of entertainers depicted in Nectar of Immortality are Sadangpae, Namsadangpae, Sotdaejaengipae, Choranipae, Punggakjaenipae, Gutjungpae, and circus troupes. When, after itinerant lives, these entertainers die, they become forlorn wandering spirits with no descendants to perform their memorial services. The entertainers in the performance scenes are the embodiment of souls who are the subjects of salvation through Suryukjae. Among these entertainers, Sotdaejaengipae, Sadangpae, Choranipae, Punggakjaenipae and Gutjungpae no longer exist. In sum, Nectar of Immortality provides insight into the vanished content of numerous historic forms of performance and the activities of nomadic troupes of entertainers.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.3
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• pp.208-241
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• 2010

This study was conducted to examine the chronology of Taesil Seokham(Taesil Stone Boxes) stored in Taesil of the Joseon Palace and classify the styles to discuss how these boxes have developed. By doing so, this study defined the archaeological styles of taesil seokhams in the chronological order. Although taesil seokhams are placed when taesil are first created, they do not have any texts engraved on them and it is difficult to gain information only from examining taesil seokham. However, Taejiseok(memorial stones buried in Taesil) and Agibi(gravestones buried in Taesil) were created along with taesil. These resources were examined and compared with literature records to find when each taesil seokhams was created. The critical elements to consider for the chronological arrangement were both the cover and container of the boxes and the transition of their style could be classified into four major stages. In detail, the Joseon Dynasty's taesil seokhams initially inherited the style of the Goryeo Dynasty to be formed into rectangular boxes. Through the transition of the mid and late 15th Century, the semi-circular cover with cylindrical container became the popular style in the late 15th Century. In the late 16th Century, the style of the previous period was further developed to add some decorative elements, such as projecting ornaments, but the ornaments were added for functional purposes rather than artistic purposes. However, the style went back to the semi-circular cover with cylindrical container in the early 17th Century. From the mid 17th Century, various styles appeared with ornaments only on the cover, cone-shaped cover with no ornament, or mortar-like container. However, a new style of cone-shaped cover with ornament emerged between the early and mid 18th Century and continued to stay until the mid 18th Century. In the mid 18th Century, the cover remained unchanged, but the container became a keyhole-shaped space with one side forming a "ㄷ" shape. However, in the late 18th Century, the most typical style of the semi-circular cover with cylindrical container reappeared to show that this is the most universal style. Last, in the mid 19th Century, the cover changed from semi-circular to rectangular with flat top. After this, the taesil seokhams began to disappear. In terms of style, it can be classified into four stages. In the early Joseon Dynasty, the taesil seokhams were underdeveloped and inherited the style of the Goryeo Dynasty (Stage I; 1401~mid-15C), but Joseon's unique style began to develop from the late 15th Century (Stage II; 1477~1641). After that, partial ornaments were added for adornment (Stage III; 1660~1754), but the typical style reappeared in the late 18th Century to finally degrade in the late Joseon Dynasty of the mid 19th Century (Stage IV; 1790~1874). This arrangement of style and chronology would greatly help archaeologists anticipate the time and owner of taesil seokhams even if only taesil seokhams are discovered without any records. * Tae(胎) : Placenta and umbilical cord * Taesil(胎室) : A facility(chamber) of burying Tae(胎) in rite when royal descendants are born.