• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.157-174
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• 2011

We derived following result by organizing research about processing of medicinal of before Han(漢) dynesty. The human being intake of natural substance for the purpose of treatment was what happened later than the use of natural substance as food. According to the record of by the early years of Shang(商) dynasty, we can assume that we cooked food with water and fire. The reason why there is no appearance of common production that can be included under the name of 'Tang Ye(湯液)' in the medical record discovered from Ma Wang Dui(馬王堆) is because 'Tang Ye' was yet developed. However, as the presentation of format of medicine process, there was gradual formation of medicinal fluid concept. There are quite of records on major details of cloth manufacture like washing and selection, grinding, processing of medicine from the recordings of "Wu Shi Er Bing Fang(五十二病方)", "Yang Sheng Fang(養生方)", "Za Liao Fang(雜療方)" discovered at Ma Wang Dui. It used words like 'Ze(擇)', 'Qu(去)' for the selection and 'Jiu(酒)', 'Zhuo(濯)' for the wash as a process method before cloth manufacture. When filter the processed medicine, it used words like 'Zhuo(捉)', 'Suo(索)', 'Jun(浚)' and used 'Yin Gan(陰乾)', 'Bao(暴)', 'Yang(暘)' for dry. The 'cutting(切削)' that crushes the medicine used different names based on the properties of medicines. The most frequent crush is 'Ye(冶)' and it means the powered medicine after dry. There was thermal process of mild fire(微火) and heating of 'Wen(溫)'. There are many states of medicine seen from the medical record discovered at Ma Wang Dui so they can be said as original medicine. 藥末劑 is relatively commercialized type then. Here, it includes later 湯劑 but there was no name such as 'decoction(湯)' or 'decoction of medical ingredients(湯液)'. Also, 'Fu Ju(㕮咀)' is the transformation of what was 'Fu Qie(父且)' at "Ja Liao Fang" of medical books of Ma Wang Dui with time flow. The original meaning of 'Fu Qie(父且)' is 'Fu Zu(斧俎)' and it means the crushing medicine with axe. The most important thing among the medical books of Han dynasty is "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing(神農本草經)" and "Shang Han Za Bing Lun(傷寒雜病論)" of Zhang Zhong Jing(張仲景). "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing" mentioned the dry method of medicine, collection and process production time, cooked and uncooked use of medicine and there are several types of medicine. Other than those, it mentioned 'Seven methods of combining herbs(七情合和)' to address cautions for combining medicines. Therefore, the 'processing of medicinal' in east Han dynasty period entered the theoretical step. However, there is only little recording on cloth manufacture of detailed medicine. From the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun" of Zhang Zhong Jing, the development in the way of 'processing of medicinal' reveled the cloth manufacture for each medicine. This tradition is continued until today and so it presents the development of purpose of 'processing of medicinal' is to greatly present the effect of medicine and to reduce the side-effect.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.4
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• pp.19-73
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• 1990

Today, many people are more interested in preventing the disease than curing it. Chi-Kung (氣功) is the way of Life-Cultivation (養生法) peculiar to the orient, it is reported in china that Chi-Kung has an excellent curative value not only in curing the disease but also in preventing it. But the full-scale study of Chi-Kung is not be made up to now in Korea, so I studied the developmental history of chinese Chi-Kung through the oriental medical books. From this study, I reached the following conclusions ; 1. Chi-Kung is naturally derived from the self-preservation instinct to adapt oneself to circumstances of the nature, but in the investigation from the documentational records, it is originated in the treatment method of the Sam-Huang-O-Jae (三皇五帝 )period to cure the abnormal circulation of the vital force and blood caused by damp (濕). 2. As the principle and the method of the Life-Cultivation of the Chun-chu-Jeon-Kook (春秋戰國) periods were recorded in Huang-Jae-Nai-Gyung (黃帝內徑) detailly and the remedy examples by ancient Chi-Kung such as Tao-Yin (導引), Haeng-Chi (行氣) were presented, we considered that theoretical basis of the development of Life-cultivation and Chi-Kung study was furnished in that period. 3. A famous doctor, Hwa-Ta (華陀) lived in Han dynasty, researched the theory and practice of Tao-Yin transmitted from the former generations, as that result, he formed a kind of medical gymnastics what is called O-Keum-Hi (五禽戱). It is considered that 'O-Keum-Hi' is a Tao-Yin method developed more practically and systemetically than the Tao-Yin appeared in the 'Jang-Ja' (莊子) or 'Hoy-Nam-Ja' (淮南子). 4. In Wui-Jin-Nambook Jo (魏晋南北朝) periods, the contents of Chi-Kung were more abundant under the influence of Buddhism (佛敎) and Taoism (道敎). Galhong (葛洪), the author of 'Po-Bak-Ja' (抱朴子) arranged the ancient Chi-Kung method systematically first of all, Tao-Goeng-Gyung (陶宏景), the author of 'Yang-Seong-Yeun-Myung-Rok' (養性延命錄) recorded the 'Yook-Ja-Geul' (六字訣) first time. 5. There is a new development of Chi-Kung therapy in Soo-Tang-Odae (隋唐五代) pefiods, especially So-Won-Bang (巢元方), the author of 'Jey-Byung-Won-Hwu-Ron' (諸病源候論) collected aimost all of the Chi-Kung method, for curing the disease formed before soo (隋) period. From that fact, we supposed that Chi-Kung was utilized more widely in curing the disease. 6. 'So-Ju-Cheon-Hwa-Hu-Peob' (小周天火候法) was adopted as the best orthodox approach under the influence of Nae-Tan-Taoist (道敎內丹學派) in Song-Keum-Won (宋金元) periods, especially in the song dynasty, 'Pal-Dan-Geum' (八段錦) was appeared and assignment of six-Chi (六氣) for bowel and viscera in the 'Yook-Ja-Geul' (六字訣) was decided firmly, that is to say Lung-Si (肺-呬), Heart-Kha (心-呵), Spleen-Hoa (脾-呼), Liver-Hoe (肝-噓), Kidneychui (賢-吹), Three-Burner-shi (三焦-嘻). 7. In Myung-Cheong (明淸) periods, The general practitioner applied the principle of 'Byun-Jeng-Ron-Chi' (辨證論治) to the Chi-Kung field, and after Myeong dynasty the style of doing 'Yook-Ja-Gyel' (六字訣) was developed to the moving style. 8. Today, in china, the study on the Chi-Kung is being progressed constantly under the positive assistance of government, Chi-Kung-Hak (氣功學) has taking its place as a branch of study step by step. It is considered that the establishment of Chi-Kung-Hak Classroom (氣功學教室) and Medical Chi-Kung Center (氣功療法室) for special and systematic research are needed, at the same time the settlement of institutional system for training the Chi-Kung technician (氣功師) is also needed.

• The Korean Nurse
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.51-72
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• 1990

The purpose of this study was to determine whether Severance Hospice Home Care Pro gram was able to meet its objectives. This was done in order to show in detail the effects of hospice home care on the quality of life of terminally ill patients and to provide rationale for setting up more hospice home care programs in korea. The results of the study were as follows: The subjects of the study were 100 terminally ill patients who hnd died 'while in the hospice program and 64 family members who were registered with Severance Hospice Home Care Program between march 1988 and Feb. 1990. The nursing needs of these terminally ill patients were assessed by the nursing records of these patients. The need for pain control(82%) was the highest nursing need so far as the physical aspects were concerned. This was followed by poor appetite(37%), 8 dyspnea(34%), nausea and vomiting(30%) in that order of frequency. In reqard to spiritual needs, the need for religious' support was also high at 72%. Their main psychological symptoms were anxiety and fear(34% ). Burn-out was a major problem for 44% of the family members. The psychological process experiencel by the terminal ill patients was compared to the dying process, described by Kiibler Ross. In comparison of the five stages outlined by kubler Ross with the dying process of the subjects it was found that the subjects not only experienced the five stages but also experienced denial and doubt-fulness or denial with acceptance or acceptance with the expectation of a miracle. But rather than acceptance of the dying process, giving up was a frequent end point of the psychological process, of the subjects. However, when the combination of states was observed, most of the patients reached the state of acceptance in the dying process. It was difficult to identify a definite pattern of change in the psychological process of the subjects. Also it was difficult to identify the factors that influenced the psychological process. The symptoms of the terminally j]] subjects just before dying, that is, 3-4 days before dying included apparent signs of dying. These were a reduction of intake(77%), reduction of the amount of urination(63%), increase in sleeping time (64%) and acceptance of dying by patients and their families who had been unaccepting be before that time(66%). The primary care givers(family member's) degree of satisfaction with the care given to the patient by the hospice was 88.7%. The results of this study show that Severance Hospice Home Care Program had a positie effeet on the quality of life of the terminally ill patients and their family members as they faced the death of the patient. It can be seen from this study that there is an urgent need to extend hospice programs - in order to provide quality of care for terminally ill patient and their families. Based upon the reesults of this study several suggestions are presente as follows: 1) A follow up study should be carried out to identify the dying process as it is unique to Korea. 2) A comparison should be made of other hospice care programs. 3) A comparison study should- be made with subjects who do not receive any hospice care as compared to those who do by use of an experimental and control group methodology. 4) There is a need to determine a scientific method to adequeto measure the interventions carried out to meet the hospice patients nursing care needs. 5) A study should be made using quality research methodology to evaluate effects of hospiec care from the patients, their family members and the nurrse's perspective.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Navigation
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.77-91
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• 2001

According to the many ancient literatures, it is said to be that Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo in unification Silla had traded with not only China, Japan but also Arab-Islam Countries, but unfortunately there is no definite records about this. Therefore in this study the writer would like to presume the sea routes of Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo in a unification Silla. For the purpose of this study the writer would like to study the reference books and materials regarding to the sea routes of prehistoric age and ancient three countries of Kingdoms and unification Silla. Especially the writer consider “The Work of Routes and Kingdoms” of Ibn Khurdarhbih regarding to the ancient sea routes of Korea, China, Arab-Islam Countries, and also the writer consider the ancient sea routes of Tang Dynasty in China and Ryukyu Kingdom in Japan. About this methodology of this study, the writer believe that the sea routes of today is the results of ancient sea routes, and this ancient sea routes could not be changed forever except special circumstance. According in this study the writer would like to persume the sea routes of Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo using like this methodologies. This presumption of the writer is originated on the basis of The Work of Routes and Kingdoms written by ancient Arabian Geographer, Ibn Khurdadhbih in the early years of 9th century. The Work of Routes and Kingdoms is geography, and the principal contents of this geography are the activities of Arab-Islam merchants and Chinese Merchants between Arab-Islam countries and China from 9th century to 11th century by ancient sea routes. But surprisingly in this geography, Silla was marked, and another ancient Arabian geogrpher, Al-Biruni marked Silla on his map, Qanun Al-mas'udi in the 9th century, and also another ancient Arabian geographer, Al-Idrisi marked Silla on his map in the 11th century. Especially Al-Biruni expressed the longitude and latitude of Silla on his map, he expressed Silla as following. “at the extreme end of China toward the East and few people travelled to it by sea”. Therefore the writer would like to presume that Arab-Islam merchants had traded with unification Silla in the 9th century, and also Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo had traded with not only China, Japan but also Arab-Islam Countries using above ancient sea routes in the 9th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.1-33
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• 2003

From the study on Doo-Jong Kims view of history about the early Korea$(Korea\;herewith\;stands\;for\;Korea\;dynasty\;A.D.918{\sim}1392)s$ Medicine, I came to a conclusion as follows. 1. Doo-Jong Kim is stressing on the fact that Early Koreas Medicine inherited from Shilla dynasty and seemingly expressing the pride of national medical science. But actually he distorted the Koreas independent growth with flunkeyism and insisted that Koreas medicine only took over Shilla dynastys which based on Chinese Tang dynastys medical science. As a result, Koreas medicine was blurred and evaluated as nothing but Tangs medicine. But, the reasons of Doo-Jong Kims viewpoints were not based on the fact, but on his speculation. 2. About the medical system, Doo-Jong Kim viewed that Korea copied Chinese Soo & Tangs medical system, But the fact is that Korea only borrowed a part of Chinese medical systems name, for examples, Tae-I-Gam, Sang-Yak-Kook, Sang-Sik-Kook, etc., and its actual functions were different and grew in Koreas own way, As a result, the titles or roles in the system were very different from those of Chinas. Especially, Korea saw much development in Science of Acupuncture and Moxibustion that there was a specialist on Acupuncture, called I-Chim-Sa, and even had much influences on Chinese Acupuncture and Moxibustions growth, exporting Hwang-Je-Ne-Kyong to Chinese Song dynasty. 3. About the education system of medicine, Doo-Jong Kim viewed that Koreas medicine was only a copy of Shilla dynastys which was based on Chinese Tang dynastys, taking the medical examination curriculum as an example. The fact is that Tangs medical curriculum was three, Bon-Cho, Kab-Ul, Maek-Kyong, Shilla had seven, Bon-Cho-Kyong, Kab-Ul-Kyong, So-Moon-Kyong, Chim-Kyong, Maek-Kyong, Myong-Dang-Kyong, Nan-Kyong, and Korea had ten, So-Moon-Kyong, Kab-Ul-Kyong, Bon-Cho-Kyong, Myong-Dang-Kyong, Maek-Kyong, Dae-Kyong-Chim-Kyong, Nan-Kyong, Ku-Kyong, Ryu-Yon-Ja-Bang, So-Kyong-Chang-Jeo-Ron. Simply considering this, it is so clear that Koreas medical curriculum was much more upgraded one than that of China. 4. About the examination system for civil service, Doo-Jong Kim expressed that Shilla dynasty did not have such system, and only expounded knowledge of Shilla medicine, In case of China, Tang danasty Hyang-Kong was only a qualification test for civil service, which the result was completely dependent on applicants social status, Song danasty examination system was composed of three steps of Hyang-Si, Sung-Si, Jeon-Si (See Note1), but it stuck to formality by having Jeon-Si of anti-fraudulence use. On the other hand, examination system for civil service in Korea dynasty started in 958 by an advice of Ssang-Ki, Chin-Si in 977 and K대-Ja-Si (See Note 1), a kind of Hyang-Si, in 1024., Three steps of examination system made employment for civil service strictly fair, Moreover, it was possible for offsprings of concubine to be an applicant. These easily explain that the examination system of Korea dynasty was more upgraded one than that of China, Tang ＆ Song dynasty. Hyang-Si : Exam in local area Sung-Si : Exam in province for those who passed Hyang-Si Jeon-Si : Exam held with Koea Kings supervision for those who passed Hyang-Si Keo-Ja-Si : Selective exam in local area like Hyang-Si. From the reasons above, it is clear that Doo-Jong Kim was much biased by flunkeyism through Japanese colonialisam and expressed his view on Korea Medical History based on such theory of heteronomy and stasis. Moreover, without rigid historical evidence on records, he distored the fact by translating incorrectly on his purpose. Therefore, Doo-Jong Kims Korean Medical History must be reevaluated through rigid historical research and his mistranslation should be corrected.

• The KIPS Transactions:PartD
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• v.13D no.7 s.110
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• pp.985-996
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• 2006

As the internet technologies develop, the geographic information system environment is changing to the web-based service. Since geospatial information of the existing Web-GIS services were developed independently, there is no interoperability to support diverse map formats. In spite of the same geospatial information object it can be used for various proposes that is duplicated in GIS separately. It needs intelligent strategies for optimal replica selection, which is identification of replication geospatial information objects. And for management of replication objects, OMG, GLOBE and GRID computing suggested related frameworks. But these researches are not thorough going enough in case of geospatial information object. This paper presents a model of location service, which is supported for optimal selection among replication and management of replication objects. It is consist of tree main services. The first is binding service which can save names and properties of object defined by users according to service offers and enable clients to search them on the service of offers. The second is location service which can manage location information with contact records. And obtains performance information by the Load Sharing Facility on system independently with contact address. The third is intelligent selection service which can obtain basic/performance information from the binding service/location service and provide both faster access and better performance characteristics by rules as intelligent model based on rough sets. For the validity of location service model, this research presents the processes of location service execution with Graphic User Interface.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.101-110
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• 2019

Objectives : It is not clear which clinical variables are most closely associated with delirium in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU). By comparing clinical data of ICU delirium and non-delirium patients, we sought to identify variables that most effectively differentiate delirium from non-delirium. Methods : Medical records of 6,386 ICU patients were reviewed. Random Subset Feature Selection and Principal Component Analysis were utilized to select a set of clinical variables with the highest discriminatory capacity. Statistical analyses were employed to determine the separation capacity of two models-one using just the selected few clinical variables and the other using all clinical variables associated with delirium. Results : There was a significant difference between delirium and non-delirium individuals across 32 clinical variables. Richmond Agitation Sedation Scale (RASS), urinary catheterization, vascular catheterization, Hamilton Anxiety Rating Scale (HAM-A), Blood urea nitrogen, and Acute Physiology and Chronic Health Examination II most effectively differentiated delirium from non-delirium. Multivariable logistic regression analysis showed that, with the exception of vascular catheterization, these clinical variables were independent risk factors associated with delirium. Separation capacity of the logistic regression model using just 6 clinical variables was measured with Receiver Operating Characteristic curve, with Area Under the Curve (AUC) of 0.818. Same analyses were performed using all 32 clinical variables;the AUC was 0.881, denoting a very high separation capacity. Conclusions : The six aforementioned variables most effectively separate delirium from non-delirium. This highlights the importance of close monitoring of patients who received invasive medical procedures and were rated with very low RASS and HAM-A scores.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.163-176
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• 2010

We report twenty data for early lavas erupted during the initial period of formation of Jeju Island on the basis of review on 539 data of whole-rock greochemistry and $^{40}Ar/^{39}Ar$ age dating out of mainly core samples from 69 boreholes drilled in the lower land since 2001 and 66 outcrop sites. Out of 69 boreholes, the early lava flow units are identified from samples collected from Beophocheon (EL 235 m, 210 m deep), Donnaeko (EL 240 m, 230 deep), Donghong-S (EL 187 m, 340 m deep), 05Donghong (EL. 187.6 m, 340 m deep), Dosoon (EL 305 m, 287 m deep), Sangye (EL 230 m, 260 m deep), Mureung-1 (EL 10.2 m, 160 m deep), and Gapa (EL 17.5 m, 92 m deep), which are located in the southern and southwestern portion of Jeju Island. While, the well-known outcrops from Sanbangsan, Wolrabong, Wonmansa, and Kagsubawi are also reconfirmed. $^{40}Ar/^{39}Ar$ age dating results of these lavas range from 1 Ma to 0.7 Ma, indicating that the data can be useful to constrain on age and geochemical characteristics of early lava effusion period in the formation of Jeju Island. Especially, samples with trachybasalt in composition collected from 143 m to 137 m, and from 135 m to 123 m below ground surface at 05Donghong hole have the oldest ages, $992\pm21$ Ka and $988\pm38$ Ka, respectively. This study suggests that in Jeju Island the first lava with trachybasalt in composition may have effused around 1 Ma ago, and the effusion style and chemical compositions of lavas must have changed to the formation of lava domes with trachyte-trachyandesite-basaltic trachyandesite and the eruption of lavas with alkali basalt and trachybasalt intermittently during the period from 0.9 Ma to 0.7 Ma ago. It also indicates that the initial lava flows below the ground are intercalated with or underlain by the Seoguipo Formation except for several exposed domal structure areas such as Sanbangsan and Kagsubawi, implying that the early lava effusion may have intermittently and sporadically occurred with nearby hydrovolcanism and sedimentation.

• Journal of Animal Science and Technology
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• v.51 no.5
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• pp.345-352
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• 2009

This study utilized 332,625 records of linear type scores consisting for 15 primary traits, 22,175 final score and 84,612 pedigree information of 22,175 Holstein cows from 1993 to 2007 in Korea to estimate genetic parameters for 16 type traits. Genetic and error (co)variances between two traits selected from 16 traits were estimated using bi-trait pairwise analyses with DFREML package. The estimated heritabilities for stature (ST), strength (STR), body depth (BD), dairy form (DF), rump angle (RA), thurl width (TW), rear legs side view (RLSV), foot angle (FA), fore udder attachment (FUA), rear udder height (RUH), rear udder width (RUW), udder cleft (UC), udder depth (UD), front teat placement (FTP), front teat length (FTL) and final score (FS) were 0.31, 0.21, 0.25, 0.10, 0.29, 0.19, 0.09, 0.06, 0.12, 0.13, 0.12, 0.08, 0.26, 0.20, 0.28 and 0.15, respectively. ST had the highest positive genetic correlation with BD (0.90), while RLSV had the highest negative genetic correlation with FA (-0.56). RA had negative genetic correlation with most udder traits (-0.17~-0.02). Especially, RUW had the higher positive genetic correlation with STR (0.60), BD (0.62), and TW (0.49), however, UD had the higher negative genetic correlation with STR (-0.40) and BD (-0.40). FTL had negative genetic correlation with FUA, RUH, RUW, UC and UD. FS had positive genetic correlation with UC, UD and FTP (0.12, 0.18 and 0.20). However, additional research is needed on the use of these parameters in the genetic evaluation because estimated genetic and error variance-covariance matrices were not positive definite.