• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.135-159
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• 2021

Thơ mới (Vietnamese New Poetry, 1932-1945) is a literary movement in colonial Vietnam that is broadly considered to have marked the modernization of Vietnamese literature. This paper examines depictions about natural disasters, ecological wounds, and about relationships between humans and nature in New Poetry, asking how those descriptions reflect social and political issues in colonial Vietnam. The paper argues that ecocriticism, developed in Western academy, brought to the New Poetry Movement new meanings, associated with a material world. That is the specific reality of colonial Vietnam in the early twentieth century, when the colonial modernization resulted in natural and social collapses in the area. This approach is especially significant, given that New Poetry is largely seen as the embodiment of the expansion of Western romanticism by Vietnamese scholars. Moreover, in examining Thơ mới (Vietnam) from perspective of ecocriticism, this paper extends the ecocritical approach to non-Western literatures. Specifically, although ecocriticism developed in the West, particularly in United States and England, it has become an effective approach to non-Western literatures, particularly since the early twentieth first century. In this context, Asian literatures, particularly Southeast Asian literatures, potentially offer ecocriticism new meanings, many of which are associated with local social and political conditions and histories.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.1-19
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• 2002

The Cultural Revolution(wenhuadageming) is one of the most important political movement in the modem China. The studies on the movement done in recent years concentrated on the political conspiracy or the struggle over political line, so they did not pay attention to the political geographical dimension of the movement. This paper proposes that the Cultural Revolution practised in the area of minority nationalities at least is well understood through the political geographical perspective. Through the discussion on the Cultural Revolution practised in the Inner Mongolia autonomous district and the Oroqen minority nationality autonomous banner, this paper suggest that the socialist Chinese leader group considers the frontier area(bianjiang) or the minority nationality regions(xiaoshuminzudiqu) important as 'region' or 'space' not as 'the area of minority nationalities (minzu)'. Especially, in the period of the movement, the leader group of the revolution manipulated the space by using the index of nationality or manipulated the nationality by using the index of space. Therefore this paper assert that the Cultural Revolution in the area of minority nationality autonomous region was a integration process of the people and national territory through the reorganization of the nationalities into classes and of autonomous region into region in general meaning.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.10
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• pp.738-749
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• 2020

The stamp commemorating the inauguration of a president is the smallest historical symbol that contains a nation's vision and wishes of the times. The stamp itself is just a collection of images but contains the meaning of the highest leader's perceived image at the time through their face and a symbol. This paper regarded presidential inauguration commemorative stamps in the context of advertisement or promotional materials to structurally analyze the images of the political leaders embedded in stamps utilizing 'semiology' theory, which is considered to be a useful method of advertisement. In accordance with social and cultural changes, the 2000s, when the changes in the presidential inauguration stamp was most distinctively noticeable, was set as the time frame. Only the presidential inauguration commemorative stamps of Moo-hyun Roh, Myung-bak Lee, Geun-hye Park, and Jae-in Moon were selected for this study. In order to interpret the image, a semiotic structure was applied to reconstruct the meaning of the image of the political leaders. Since this can lead to subjective judgment in image analysis, it attempted to find the truth through comprehensive interpretation and approach it from the social and cultural contexts, not a static approach. In this paper, the images of the Korean political leaders in the 2000s shown on stamps are no longer influenced by traditional political factors such as political parties, political ideologies, and regional origins due to the evolution of democracy. This study derives the characteristics of the images of independent and characteristic leaders centered on a person according to the situations and social phenomena of the times.

• Strategy21
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• s.30
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• pp.236-262
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• 2012

Morgenthau claims that in international relations, there are the economic, political, and military powers that enable a nation to achieve its political and diplomatic goals. This paper explores the possibility of resolving international conflicts with naval power. First, the theoretical and historical perspective, naval power was used as a final resort to force a nation's political or diplomatic objective on an enemy nation when negotiations failed, and this was done through the physical and psychological destruction of the enemy by naval power. But as the use of military power has decreased because of the invention of the nuclear weapon, the existence of a large and capable navy deterrent has become one of the most useful military options among a nation's diplomatic measures. In other words, he focused on the political usefulness of naval power as a deterrent and coercive diplomatic tool for persuading other nations to acquiesce, rather than using naval power and actual military action as a final resort. The reason for this is that compared to army and air force, navy's flexibility, continuity, and the ability to deter are greater. The navy provides excellent accessibility through its wide mobility on the sea, and it has been shown through research that the navy possesses a political usefulness that facilitates the solution of conflicts through presence, naval intervention, and naval blockade. On the other hand, among the factors that could improve the influence of the navy are alliance relations, a reliable and powerful navy, carrots and sticks that it would have to deal with in the case of successful or unsuccessful negotiations, and support from international opinion. On this paper I introduce E.N.Luttwak's naval suasion theory. By the his theory, there are two mode of naval suasion. One is latent naval suasion the other is active suasion. Latent suasion there are deterrent mode and supportive mode. Active naval suasion there are coercive mode and supportive mode. Coercive mode has positive and negative. The limitations of naval suasion have been identified as follows. First, because the objective of the use of naval power is persuading enemy nations, the results are unpredictable. Second, the leaders of all countries possess limited understanding on the complexities of naval power and therefore lack understanding of the usefulness of naval power when choosing options. Third, in case of failure through naval suasion, prestige and reputation of a nation can be damaged. Finally, the following are additional possible research topic. First, a research on the decision making process of choosing naval power as a measure to resolve conflicts is needed. Lastly, research on the size of the navy and types of ships required for efficient naval suasion is needed. Today's world requires cooperative security regime so that middle class navy also requires political use of naval power in solving international conflicts. Therefore, additional research on this topic is needed.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.265-284
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• 2011

This paper examines how Sedgwick makes a political allegory of founding the nation in domestic terms in The Linwoods (1835). Set in the Revolutionary period, The Linwoods is a historical fiction reconstructed by the writer in order to diagnose currently controversial issues. In this aspect, Sedgwick's interest in history is genealogical in Foucaudian sense. Foucault's genealogical method provides a way of recuperating a part of history hidden, submerged, obliterated by the official history. Seen in a genealogical perspective, the story of the Linwoods can be viewed as a political allegory in order to explore political conflicts of Sedgwick's own day. Faced with the threat of national disunion presented in the Nullification Crisis of sectional conflicts and divisions, Sedgwick attempts to provide a fictional solution to the first serious challenge to the U. S. Constitution. Going back to the times around the American Revolution, Sedgwick emphasizes how strenuously the American Constitution of America was formed as the outcome of the war against the tyranny of Britain, and how the Union was made on the basis of the cooperation between the States. By posing a contrast of political positions between family members, Sedgwick imagines a family/nation that allows diverse political positions. The conclusion of a diversity of marriages between man and woman who agree to be united after overcoming their differences in political affiliations seems to show her conservative proclivity to support the Union. However, by emphasizing the principles of freedom and equality represented by the significant role of Isabella and Rose, an African-American slave, in the victory of the American Revolution, Sedgwick also supports the spirit of the Jacksonian American democracy.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.177-197
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• 2018

This paper aims to analyze the effects of external uncertainty on the entry modes decision of multinational firms. On the basic assumption that the entry modes of the firms are dependent on ex-ante or ex-post perceived risk, we empirically analyzed the impacts of perceived risk factors on the investment patterns of firms. We found that the larger the population, the higher the level of GDP per capita, and the larger the trade volume as a ratio of GDP resulted in increased M&A FDI and greenfield FDI. The economic growth rate variables were found to be significantly positive effect on only greenfield entry mode. Regarding the main variables, lower levels of corruption and increased stability regarding political issues resulted in the host country receiving increased M&A investment. However, we found only a positive statistical significance of the political stability variable on the explaining greenfield FDI. Results show that M&A entry mode is affected by both corruption and political instability level. However, the greenfield FDI featuring sunk costs, seems more responsive to political instability.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.73-107
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• 2016

The general programming channels, newly introduced around the beginning of the 2010s, have grown into powerful journalistic agencies, the far-reaching social influences of which are not confined by the economic effects within the South Korean media industry. They are now rendered to become part of major socio-political institutions that try to secure their privileges based on broadcast journalism, and to widen their business opportunities through those special kind of social practices. This research has taken a path of theoretical endeavour to devise a conceptual framework that will effectively lead to a series of academic investigation into the socio-political characteristics of general programming channels. To this end, specific attention is paid to such theoretical and conceptual resources as the instrumentalization of media by the politics, the political sociology of media power, media-political parallelism, and the structural coupling between the political and the media systems. This paper suggests that general programming channels have emerged as a new interface that accommodates and actualizes the structural coupling between the two societal subsystems, and in the course of that, they undercut the vulnerable basis of media public sphere, effectively replacing it with entertaining media-political sphere constructed and managed by themselves. This sphere is where the media system's logic and the poltical system's logic are intertwined, simutaneously accelerating not only the mediatization of the politics but also the politicization of the media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.16
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• pp.207-254
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• 2001

This study is focused on forecasting the future of tole-democracy. Many Scholars expect that internet provides technological space needing realizing the tole-democracy or deliberate democracy. Especially in Korea, this expectation is higher than other nations because of political corruption and inefficiency. Therefore internet is intended to considering as new technologies reforming political process. In 16th the general election period, many candidates established home page and used as election campaign tool. And a little of home pages is payed attention to among voters. In spite of using internet as political medium, many political communication researchers have a doubt that internet will realize ideal direct democracy. It's reason is that internet is open and anonymous space. At anonymous space, communication participators is tended to be irresponsible and non-serious. Therefore it is hard that cyber-politics will be ideal type of democracy. In this context, this paper analyzed how pauicipators communicate with others at cyber bulletin board establishing candidate's home pages. Main research questions is how do discussions at cyberspace fulfill the conditions of deliberate democracy. Therefore, concrete questions include; who are participators at candidate's cyber bulletin board; which pattern do they communicate; what is the theme of communication; which effects do the anonymous character of cyberspace influence. To that purpose, this study conducted content analysis on 4,210 written matters at 82 cyber bulletin boards of candidate's home page establishing during 16th the general election period. It can be found that cyberspace in Korea still is not deliberate democracy space and not will be. Firstly, discussion patterns at cyber bulletin board is "candidate with supporters communication space. To be exact, it is said that candidate's home page is "the space of self-convincing among supporters." Secondly, the main themes of discussion are simple emotional expressions; "I support you!" "fighting" "Be vigor" etc. By contrast, real political contents'-central or local political matters - is relatively few. In the mode of expression, real political messages are more positive, logical than simple expressions, candidates private matters. Especially this characteristic will make cyberspace as "mutual slander space" consolidating anonymous characteristic of cyberspace. finally, Cyberspace in Korea still is not real "public sphere" realizing deliberate process. Therefore to be real public sphere, it is needed to participant's ethical maturity and political citizenship. In conclusion, it is difficult that cyberspace will reconstruct the Athene's Agora. On the contrary, Cyberagora will like to be irrespectable area fulfilling the sweeping. Making the deliberate space, technological possibility and ethical condition will have to be balanced together.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Intelligent Systems
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.592-594
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• 2009

In this paper we consider voting analysis in the political science in connection with $B_n$(or $M_n${0, 1}), the semigroup of the binary relations on X with n elements. We also consider it in connection with $M_n$(F) (or $B_n$(F)), the semigroup of all fuzzy binary relations on X. Also we establish a possibility theorem and an impossibility theorem in voting analysis based on preferences in $B_n$ and $M_n$(F).

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.205-209
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• 2018

In this paper, we design and implement a political online platform using smartphones. This platform is consisted of monitoring of members of the National Assembly, monitoring of legislation, and participating in several issues. It is implemented as an AWS server, DB and an Android applications. Especially, we update the political information in real time by using Open API and Naver API. This system will be well applied to the division in discussion and sharing of thinking about legislation and political issues.